BECOMING THE STATE-FUNDED MADRASAH OR RETAINING AUTONOMY: THE CASE OF TWO MADRASAHS IN KELANTAN

Malaysia witnessed the rise of Islamic education more than a century ago, partly evidenced by the establishment of traditional Islamic education institutions called pondok or madrasah. Starting in the nineteenth century, Islamic pondok schools spread in Malaysia, founded by ‘ulama (Islamic scholars) who gained financial support from the community. As time went by, many pondok, previously supported by civil society, Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies (QIJIS) Volume 9, Number 1, 2021 (PP : 1-36) https://journal.iainkudus.ac.id/index.php/QIJIS/index http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v9i1.7620


A. Introduction
Malaysia is the second largest Muslim country in Southeast Asia. It has witnessed the development of Islamic schools for more than a century. Some schools have modernized their curriculum, education system, and facilities, while others have remained traditional by focusing on teaching Islamic subjects only (Alfurqan, 2020;R. Hashim et al., 2011).
Traditional Islamic schools in Malaysia, notably in Kelantan, are called pondok, derived from the Arabic word funduq, which means "hotel" or "inn." The Malaysian pondok is equivalent to the Indonesian pesantren in Java (Hashim & Langgulung, 2008;Steenbrink, 1986) or dayah in Aceh (Huwaida, 2015;Roche, 2012). Pondoks were established as centers of Islamic learning that provided students with a "comprehensive" Islamic education. Students learned Islam while developing BECOMING THE STATE-FUNDED MADRASAH OR RETAINING AUTONOMY ….. their character. The students stayed in dormitories during their studies, frequently visiting the mosque located in the pondok complex and regularly meeting with their mentors or teachers, who also lived in the dwellings around the pondok complex.
The pondok learning system emerged in Malaysia in the nineteenth century during a period of Islamic "knowledge transmission" in Southeast Asia (Ali, 2006;Azra, 2004;Dhofier, 1990). Observers have linked the proliferation of pondok in Kelantan with Islamic scholars from Sumatra, Kedah, and Pattani (Winzeler, 2017) as well as with those from the Middle East (M. Abdullah et al., 2011). Pondok schools have distinctive features and have played a profound role in imparting Islamic values and in the Islamization process in Kelantan. For many years, Kelantan has been of particular interest to political parties in Malaysia, not only to Islamic parties such as the PAS (The Malaysian Islamic Party), through which pondok schools channel their political aspirations, but also to the UMNO, which has attempted to increase its patronage and influence in the state. Under the pressure of political parties, pondok school leaders have a choice: They must either find a way to sustain political power or give into the demands of the state by changing their militant character and reconstructing their school system (Noor, 2004(Noor, , 2008Tayeb, 2018).
Many pondok schools were founded by respected 'ulama (Islamic scholars) or Tuan Guru (Islamic teachers) to spread and preserve the Islamic mission in the regions where they resided. Highly respected by the Sultanate, the Tuan Guru's efforts to set up Islamic educational institutions were warmly received by the community.
The establishment of pondok in Kelantan, like in other regions of Southeast Asia, such as Java and Aceh in Indonesia, Kedah in Malaysia, and Pattani in Thailand, is integrally linked to philanthropic practices, such as such as waqf (pious endowment), zakat (alms), and sadaqa (donation/voluntary giving) (Ahmad et al., 2019;Mujani et al., 2014). Waqf, family contributions, and public donations were instrumental in establishing a pondok or madrasah in a community, reflecting the importance of civil society engagement in the proliferation of Islamic educational institutions. Madrasahs received financial support from the public and the families of 'ulamas, which allowed the schools to remain autonomous and selffunded for decades.
However, soon after the respected scholars and the madrasah founders passed away, some of these schools started facing financial difficulties, precipitated by a decline in community donations, weakened civil society systems, and the expansion of state agencies. These developments negatively affected community-funded pondoks and financially autonomous Islamic educational institutions. As noted by Fazial and Bahari, "among the greatest challenges and obstacles of the pondok institutions in Malaysia to ensure that they can sustain and continue to prosper comes in terms of the lack of financing" (Fazial & Bahari, 2018: 1905. They further explain that pondok institutions in Malaysia "tend to suffer because they only get financial resources through the Muslims' contributions like donations, infaq, zakat and waqf and do not have a systematic education system." (Fazial & Bahari, 2018 Pasir Mas district was originally part of Kota Bharu, but was granted political autonomy (its own local government) in 1918.
During the fieldwork, focus groups were conducted with heads of pondok and selected teachers. The interview guide was divided into six overarching themes: historical evolution of the pondok, human resources and administration, students' learning experience and achievements, strengths and weaknesses analysis, social links and impact on the community, and future projections for the school. On average, each interview lasted 47 minutes. All the interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed by the last two researchers.
Informed consent was obtained from the participants through e-mail correspondence.
We administered focus groups with a maximum of 10 people from each pondok comprising the head of the pondok and selected teachers. This group of people was able to provide information on the current situation and trends in their pondok regarding the school's economic well-being and financial sustainability. The informants were also helpful in providing information on their future plans and strategies to sustain their existence. After the interview, researchers collected and analyzed all relevant data, including documents, archival records, observations, and artifacts. Subsequently, all data were organized, transcribed, and thematized in accordance with the objectives of the study. The following section discusses the analysis of interview data. Decisions In presenting our research findings, we focus on the efforts of Islamic school leaders to finance their institutions, a process which is affected in many ways by the current state funding policies in Kelantan.

B. Madrasah, Politics and Financial Issues
The dynamics surrounding Islamic schools in the Muslim world and within the communities of Muslim minority groups in particular have drawn scholars' attention. The proliferation of Islamic schools not only represents the increasing awareness among Muslims of the importance of educating the community; it also reflects the dynamics of political Islam-the efforts to spread notions of particular Islamic views, whether they be modern, traditional, conservative, liberal, or even radical-and denotes the deep engagement of civil society in altering the state's duties (Fathil & Oktasari, 2017). There are different types of religious, political, and cultural orientations of Islamic educational institutions. Islamic school principals can function as "socio-religious curators" that shape the patterns of a school's religious inclinations: toward a more conservative or progressive approach. In this respect, school principals have played an instrumental role in determining whether education systems are open, inclusive, and plural or closed, exclusive, and unitary (Brooks et al., 2020).
Malaysia, Indonesia, Pakistan, Turkey, Saudi, and Egypt are countries where Islamic education proliferated with distinct models and trajectories, depending upon the nature of the states or political regimes that controlled the relationship between Islam and politics. Islamic education could not escape from the influences of transnational Islamic movements which intervened in the political dynamics of many countries . Likewise, geopolitical context and religious demographics determine how Islamic educational institutions gain trust from the community (Brooks, 2015). Where violent actions and religious-ethnic conflicts frequently occur or where Muslims are a religious minority, gaining confidence from the community and government become increasingly complicated.

Muslim countries have witnessed a long process of what
Robert Hefner has termed "schooling Islam." The proliferation of madrasahs in the Muslim world can be seen as a means by which Muslim societies have sought to emphasize orthodoxy "through a re-focus on Islamic tradition" (Hefner, 2007: 11).
For centuries, madrasahs have been the central institutions BECOMING THE STATE-FUNDED MADRASAH OR RETAINING AUTONOMY ….. of civil society. Hefner further notes, "the last two centuries have been marked by the appearance of a powerfully interventionist state with educational ambitions distinct from those of the 'ulama (Hefner, 2007: 4). The presence and development of madrasahs run by the community or civil society organizations is contingent upon whether the state's constitution is secular, multireligious, or Islamic and upon whether the interests of madrasahs align with state interests (Leirvik, 2004).
It is worth emphasizing that government policies and the types of curriculum in Madrasah systems run by civil society organizations may differ from one state to another.
The curriculum for madrasah can be described as "religious education for Muslims," where the objective is to foster "a nation-transcending Muslim community (umma)" (Leirvik, 2004: 224). At the same time, the curriculum can be described as religious instruction to strengthen national identity through "inclusive ways of teaching religion and values in school" (Leirvik, 2004: 224). In Singapore, for example, the curriculum of Madrasahs is generally more modern and inclusive (Steiner, 2011). The demand of Muslim communities for better Islamic education, not only in terms of facilities and curriculum but also in terms of the school's ability to adopt a modern system, can be fulfilled through state support.

Some civil society organizations in Muslim countries,
represented partly by Muslim NGOs or foundations, have been successful in providing healthcare, education, and other types of welfare-oriented activities to the community.
Unsurprisingly, many Muslim families prefer to enroll their children in Islamic schools, regardless of their quality. This situation can be seen in Egypt, Palestine, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Indonesia, and Malaysia. In many cases, Muslim NGOs, in trying to maintain autonomy and financial independence are struggling to finance their educational institutions (H Latief & Amirrachman, 2016). Therefore, some madrasahs utilize Islamic financial schemes such as waqf and zakat to alleviate their financial burdens.
There are different models of financing education in Islamic tradition, one of which relies on Islamic philanthropic practices. Although Muslim scholars have different legal opinions on the use of zakat for education, this practice seems to be permitted by the fisabilillah portion of the distribution of zakat and is generally tolerated (Malami, 1993: 49). There are also other frameworks of educational financing that have been formulated in recent times, such as "cash waqf with blockchain" (Gazali & Che Ismail, 2019), in practice, some Islamic educational institutions continue to face financial constraints due to lack of access to government funds or outdated fundraising systems. Studies have suggested that the emerging financial issues faced by pondok and madrasah are caused by a few different factors: lack of proper waqf administration, weakness of the waqf legal framework, and low levels of confidence in waqf management (Fazial & Bahari, 2018). In addition to utilizing Islamic philanthropic practices, some madrasahs have attempted to foster various entrepreneurial and income-generating projects (Latief, 2012;Isbah, 2012Isbah, , 2019.
In Malaysia, Islamic education institutions are included as part of the national education system. In recent times, the government has allowed civil society and religious BECOMING THE STATE-FUNDED MADRASAH OR RETAINING AUTONOMY ….. organizations to set up and sustain their own education systems in accordance with the values of the organization.
The government has also played a profound role in supporting private Islamic educational institutions by providing different types of financial schemes and attempting to standardize the quality of these institutions, including their curriculums, teachers, facilities, and the teaching-learning process. Once an Islamic school decides to be part of the government's financial scheme, there are some consequences: They must follow government rules that may not align with long-held pondok traditions.
In countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand, madrasahs and pondoks are maintained through the active involvement of civil society in educating the community (Liow, 2009;Pohl, 2006). Thousands of pondok operating in different regions have secure networks thanks to the transmission of knowledge among Islamic scholars, but they are all autonomous and have their own distinctive character developed by their founders (Zarkasyi, 2020). The founders of pondok schools usually have a strong admiration for or connection to specific respected Islamic scholars, many of whom studied in the Middle East. Some pondok leaders may have ideological, intellectual, or familial ties to these 'ulama, and they can even inherit their charisma (Arifin, 2013). Pondok schools usually rely heavily upon the reputation of their founders or current leaders. Robert L. Winzeler, who studied traditional pondoks in Malaysia in the 1970s, made the following observation: "the reputation which an individual guru possesses and the influence which he exerts depend on his acknowledged mastery of the wisdom and teachings of Islam or some of its essential aspects and upon his character, lifestyle and religious piety" (Winzeler, 2017: 97).
In some cases, the founder's reputation is also associated with "his reputed possession of spiritual powers and the nature of his political orientation and involvement" (Winzeler, 2017: 97). In short, the reputation of Tuan Guru or the leader of a pondok determines public perception of the school. When the charismatic pondok leaders passed away, the reputation of some of the schools declined. In this respect, one observer notes: The history of pondoks in Kelantan shows that in the 1980s and years before many pondoks died…when their respective tok gurus passed away. However, in the same period, we also see that new pondoks were established… Looking at this development, we can say that even where the mainstream did not support pondoks some pondoks in Kelantan still managed to survive. This situation shows that the demand is still there but not as high as they were previously… For the future, the survival of pondoks will depend on the management of existing pondoks and their leaders who will determine the continuation of the pondok system (L. H. Abdullah, 2011: 002197).
The reputation of the pondok leader was instrumental in strengthening the ties among pondok teachers and the supports from other parties (outsiders), not only in the past but also more recently when some Islamic schools were modernized.

C. Two Madrasahs and the Charismatic Founders
This section provides a profile of two madrasahs that we have examined as case studies. It describes and discusses BECOMING THE STATE-FUNDED MADRASAH OR RETAINING AUTONOMY …..  (Mahmud, 2017: 189-190 (Mahmud, 2017: 191).  Kelantan. As a result of this history, recent successors have made every effort to preserve the founders' legacy.

Pondok Maahad Darul Anuar and Founder's Political Engagement
Another case study is Maahad Darul Anuar, After 1969, much of his time was devoted to politics and the madrasah was entrusted to a state agency, Yayasan Islam Kelantan, in the 1970s. Nik Aziz's political career improved; in 1990, his party (PAS) won significant seats in Kelantan and he was appointed as the Chief Minister of Kelantan (Noor, 2004(Noor, , 2008Shiozaki, 2009;Yuki, 2013).
His political actions were largely characterized by efforts to counter UNMO's political vision and promote "the implementation of Shari'a and opposition to secularism" (Riddell, 2009: 186). His opposition to UMNO's political policies and his Islamic political views conveyed him to the top level of his political career and provided him with the opportunities to bring what Riddle has termed "Shari'a-BECOMING THE STATE-FUNDED MADRASAH OR RETAINING AUTONOMY ….. mindedness" to Malaysian politics (Riddell, 2009).

As a politician, Nik Abdul Aziz was instrumental in
designing the state budget for madrasahs to be channeled to the Yayasan Islam Kelantan/YIK (Kelantan Islamic Foundation). As described by Farish Noor, who studied the connections between pondok and politics in Malaysia, the PAS-led government was committed to supporting pondok by allocating a significant amount of the state budget to these institutions. In 1991, the government spent 15 million Ringgit to support pondok schools, standardize Islamic education, and improve capacity building (Noor, 2008: 207). Efforts to increase the capacity of Islamic education in Kelantan was fruitful, as indicated by an increase in students studying in pondoks sponsored by YIK. Concerning the government policies on Islamic education, an observer, Tayeb Azmil, notes: The capacity to disburse resources to financially struggling Islamic schools is another vital reason why the central government has been able to wield so much influence over Islamic education in Malaysia…Having financial prowess allows the federal government to absorb more resource-poor Islamic schools such as SAR under the management of the Ministry of Education and convert these schools into SABK. (Tayeb, 2018: 68) He further emphasizes: Even in Kelantan, known for its fierce pride in local traditions of Islamic learning, the Ministry of Education had managed to sign a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the Kelantan Islamic Foundation (Yayasan Islam Kelantan, YIK) in 2008 to gain partial control over twenty hitherto autonomous yet financially struggling SAR (Utusan Malaysia, 13 August 2008). The dearth of resources, in short, creates a desperate sense of dependency among many Islamic schools and MAIN on the generosity and goodwill of the federal government (Tayeb, 2018: 68-69). (site visit in July 2019). Entrepreneurial projects have been utilized to modernize the Islamic financing system in order to cover pesantren's operational needs (Isbah, 2012). The sustainability of these three pesantrens is reliant upon modern management and entrepreneurial innovation.

It appears that the latest generation of Pondok
Lubok Tapah leaders have realized that financial support from the government in Kelantan does not secure the school's financial needs. Therefore, entrepreneurial innovation is needed. In Lubok Tapah, the current leaders, represented by two children of Haji Abdullah, have taken the initiative to seek financial support by establishing supporting institutions. Dr. Luqman and his brother, Mr.

Hamdan, set up the Akademi Tuan Guru Haji Abdullah
Sdn Bhd, an institution whose duty is to preserve the legacy of their parents. This institution also functions as a special unit to seek and receive financial support from third parties, including private companies. This strategy resulted in a high level of student achievement, which in turn served as a promotion for the pondok. Every year, some students from the school won awards in various student competitions. However, despite these achievements, many teachers did not support the approach adopted by Nik Omar. They argued that because the pondok was under the supervision of the state, there was no reason to discriminate against students by placing them in different classes based on their academic ability (Interview July 2019). The state informed Nik Omar to change his policy, and the state, represented by Yayasan Islam Kelantan, replaced Nik Omar with another administrator, Nik Hamdi Abdul Ghani, the grandson of Nik Abdul Aziz.
Faced with this situation, Nik Omar Nik Omar made a decisive move. He wanted to withdraw the pondok from the state's supervision and turn it back into a private school. He argued that he could not implement his vision of elevating the pondok's reputation under state supervision. His father, Datok Guru or Nik Abdul Aziz, agreed with Nik Omar's decision. In 2008, it was announced the the pondok was becoming a private school again and was detaching from Yayasan Islam Kelantan. All teachers were then required to adopt the roles formulated by Nik Omar. However, other teachers, parents, and some of his family members did not support Nik Omar's decision, as they wanted the school to remain a state-funded school instead of a private madrasah. The teachers resisted because they were concerned about their future. They believed that, unlike a state school, a private school could not guarantee their salaries in the future. Therefore, some teachers resigned, and some parents withdrew their children from the school and enrolled them in other Islamic schools.
In 2009, the school's first year as a private school, the madrasah had 300 students but was only supported by two teachers. Therefore, the madrasah had no choice but to invite many teachers with little teaching experience. The teachers were paid entirely from the madrasah funds, which were sourced from tuition fees. This arrangement lasted for the first three years, from BECOMING THE STATE-FUNDED MADRASAH OR RETAINING AUTONOMY ….. 2010 to 2012, as the school continued to struggle with its management and financial issues. However, in the following years, starting in 2013, the madrasah faced severe financial constraints as the numbers of students decreased, and only part-time hours were available for teachers. The tuition fee was increased from RM 300 to RM 500 per month to resolve the financial issue. Thus, only students from upper-middle-class families could afford to study in the madrasah. The teachers were paid irregularly. Sometimes they received their wages two months late because of the financial crisis (Interview, July 2019). Families living near Pondok Maahad Darul Anuar preferred to enroll their children in other madrasahs with more affordable tuition fees even though these schools were further from their homes. Nik Omar attempted to resolve the financial crisis by establishing cooperatives and some other businesses, such as homestays and stores, but these businesses were not able to resolve the financial problems.
This delicate situation drew the attention of the community and the family members of Darul Anuar's founder. Communities around the madrasah were disappointed with Darul Anuar's management decision. They complained that they had supported the madrasah with the understanding that it would be a school for the whole community, not only for affluent families. Other children of Datok Guru paid serious attention to these complaints and requested that the madrasah reverse its decision. Datok Guru passed away in 2015, and in the next year, in 2016, sixteen children of Datok Guru agreed to transform the madrasah back into a state-funded school (Interview with Nik Hamdi Abul Ghani, July 2019). They negotiated with Nik Omar, who refused to change his mind about about the madrasah remaining a private school. Then, in 2018, the school was "returned" to the state, becoming a state-funded madrasah after ten years of private ownership. Maahad or SMA Darul Anuar is one example of an Islamic school in Kelantan that was founded as a Sekolah Agama Rakyat (SAR, People Religious School) and then transformed into a Sekolah Menengah Agama Negeri (State-based Religious School).

E. Conclusion
For private Islamic schools or Sekolah Agama Rakyat (SAR) facing financial difficulties, it is not easy to predict their future trajectories regarding institutional management and the preservation of school traditions, especially in a country where politics and Islam are tightly intermingled. The social, economic, and political situation in Kelantan reveals that although Islam heavily influences the state, not all Islamic schools, including pondoks, can develop their institutions and preserve their legacies without difficulty. The financial constraints experienced by some Islamic schools as a result of their management decisions can have significant consequences. In the Malaysian context, including in Kelantan, the government may only have two choices: provide limited support to the schools or convert private Islamic schools into state-funded schools. The fact is that some communitybased Islamic schools or madrasah have chosen the more "promising" option, which is to transform their private schools into government schools. Other Islamic schools attempt to survive by becoming self-funded and considering BECOMING THE STATE-FUNDED MADRASAH OR RETAINING AUTONOMY ….. other financial resources to preserve their institutions.
Pondok Lubok Tapah and SMA Darul Anuar are two examples of madrasah in Malaysia that have attempted to escape from their financial constraints. In the past, these two schools were led by prominent and respected 'ulamas in Kelantan. Pondok Lubok Tapah was led by a renowned 'ulama, Tuan Guru Haji Abdullah, while SMA Darul Anuar was chaired by a prominent 'ulama cum politician in Kelantan, Tuan Guru Nik Abdul Aziz. The reputation of these two respected 'ulamas has helped these institutions become choice schools for students in the surrounding community and other regions in Kelantan and even outside the state. However, this reputation does not always fit with the current financial needs of the schools, which operate in a religious, economic, and political environment that has changed over time. It appears that Pondok Lubok Tapah has preserved its traditional pondok system by focusing on learning Islam as well as Islamic turath.
The teachers in Pondok Lubok Tapah understand the importance of maintaining the Islamic legacy introduced by the founder and his family. The experience of SMA Darul Anuar is different. For this madrasah, becoming a state funded-school has meant following all officially accepted systems introduced by the government, represented by Yayasan Islam Kelantan. The modernization and standardization of its curriculum is the cost that the school must pay to receive government financing for its activities. The results are twofold: Pondok Lubok Tapah only receives minimal support from the government, but the pondok is still able to keep its autonomy and legacy as a waqffunded school; on the other hand, Madrasah Darul Anuar receives more support from the government, but has had to relinquish its ownership to state agencies.