MUSLIM MINORITY IN YOGYAKARTA: BETWEEN SOCIAL RELATIONSHIP AND RELIGIOUS MOTIVATION

This study aimed to investigate the relationship between minority Muslim families and those of nonMuslims in Banjarasri, Kalibawang, Kulon Progo Yogyakarta; and to find out the religious diversity motivation of the Muslim families. This study used descriptive qualitative method by applying a phenomenological approach. The data were garnered using observation and interview. This study revealed that the acculturation of arts, cultures, and social community made Muslim families and non-Muslim families live side by side. The religious motivation of QIJIS: Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies Volume 7, Number 2, 2019 DOI : 10.21043/qijis.v7i2.6873


A. Introduction
The majority-minority relationship of certain religions is so complex, let alone such relationship existing in Indonesia which is historically and socially so plural. In the psychology of minority, a group of religious minority has a particular psychology which draws on fears when facing the surrounding majority group. This case is often called a prejudice or negative, antipathetic feeling in social psychology (Wibisono, 2015). Psyche as such is constructed by virtue of not only their vulnerable position towards the majority group but also the acts of the majority group that have ever threatened the existence of the minority. This kind of attitude is what was shown by the sect of religious minority, Mennonities, in Canada, wherein they were regarded as less-nationalist due to being more loyal to their own group and religion (Sneath, 2017). On the other hand, with regard to the majority group, they also have a sort of majority psychology. Such psychology grows and develops on account of historical, sociological, and political factors. Concerning the existence of Muslim minority, Kettani perceives it as part of different society because their religion is Islam, and they are often treated differently due to their existence whose number is fewer than that of the major society (Nieuwenhuijze, 1971). The presence of minor religions tends to be positioned in the outer circle of the major one (Mu'ti & Burhani, 2019). In a more extreme way, it is unfortunate that the minority group tends to be assumed to take a deviant position (Martin, Hewstone, Martin, & Gardikiotis, 2008).
The different treatment as the foregoing can end up with a negative form. Brown (2016), states that structural and social discrimination by the major group indeed occurs to minor groups. According to him, it happens to Christians in several countries with Muslims as the majority of people. It even also occurs to Muslims such as in Uighur, Rakhine, Patani, and others. In fact, their presence as the minor group in the context of modern geology is inevitable. The minority of Muslims, for instance as the data cited by Kettani in 1992, were 228 million in Asia, 16 million in Africa, 4 million in Europe, 4 million in America, 500,000 in Oceania (E. M. Brown, 2016), 2 million in Britain, and 2.5 million in Germany. While, in America there were 6 million, and 500,000 people in Canada (Haddad & Smith, 2002).
The latest data as regards the Muslim community in This high growth becomes one of which raises the concerns of various groups that experience Islamic phobia.
Then, in most of the aforesaid places, Muslim minorities face hostility towards anything related to Islam. Muslim people also complain about the efforts made by the major community to hinder the application of Islamic values. This case also aligns with Fox & Akbaba's (2015), conclusion that in 27 western democracies there is discrimination against Muslim minorities. This discrimination then leads to identity conflicts in various aspects of social politics (Fleischmann & Phalet, 2016). Furthermore, the conflicts as such will be more complicated when interconnected with political interests (Brathwaite & Park, 2019).
According to Esposito (2002), in the early history of Islam, there were three models of Muslim families in dealing with conflicts. The first is the Makkah model. Resting upon this model, Muslims who faced torture chose to migrate.
The second is the model of Abyysinia (Ethiopia). In this model, a tolerate condition and peaceful togetherness were achieved in the context of the majority of non-Muslims through extraordinary efforts. For Muslim minorities today, the adoption of one of these two examples is inevitable. Both of them can work, but one is more successful than the other.
As an alternative; the third is by doing nothing, even just by maintaining the existing unnecessary or unwanted tension.
Thus, a minority Muslim is expected to become a muhajir (migrant) or to be a mujahid (jihadist). When Muslims live in non-Muslim areas, it is compulsory for them to build up and get into organizations with their fellow Muslims for the sake of preserving and strengthening their Islamic identity.
However, the essence of such isolation approach for defense is not made equal to the Muslims' duty to preach. This is what is shown by the Muslim minority at Danish School in Denmark.
They are able to establish schools which accommodate their interests to carry out prayer (shalat), fasting, holidays, and the procurement of mosques (Jensen, 2016).
According to Brown (2010), the number of Muslims in the world reaches almost a quarter of the world's population. Minority, as defined by Bullons (1996), refers to a group of people of the same face, culture, and religions that live in a place where most of the people around them are of different race, culture, or religion. According to Mawardi (2010), such definition is still less applicable when applied to multi-racial, multi-ethnic, and multi-religious countries that have the composition of more than two minority groups with relatively equal numbers.
As mentioned by Muhammad (2001), a group is said to be a minority if: first, in the aspect of number, the members of the group are indeed fewer than the total population of the majority; second, they have no power and strength so that their rights and obligations need to be protected; and third, they have a distinctive characteristic of minority that distinguishes them from the majority, whether on the basis of group, ethnicity, culture, language, or religion. When the word minority is coupled with Muslims, so they become a minority group united in the same religious character, namely Islam. Ḥarran (2007), defines Muslim minority as a group of Muslims who live under the authority of a non-Muslim government amid the majority of non-Muslim community.
They live in the countries wherein Islam is not the religion which becomes the reference or the major culture of the society. The number of Muslim minorities is very significant.
When it is estimated, the total number of Muslim population in the world is 1,160,095,000 people, and around 336,420,000 people live as minorities (Ḥarran, 2007). The above studies further become the bases for the present study conducted in Banjarasri Kalibawang Kulon Progo, Yogyakarta. Banjarasri, is one of the villages in Kalibawang, Kulon Progo Regency, Yogyakarta. Anchored in the historical roots before the independence of Indonesia, the majority of people in Banjarasri were Muslims. In 1920, there was the arrival of a German missionary named Prennthaler (Purwanto & Agung, 2012). Besides a missionary, he also had expertise in medicine.
A long journey undertaken by Prannthaler whose missions were completely supported by the Dutch colonial regime eventually succeeded in conquering Kalibawang, especially Banjarasri whose people were mostly Muslims until the independence of Indonesia, and up to 1980's, the people's condition was massively changed into the followers of Catholic religion. It was due to the supports from the power controlled by Churches given to several elements ranging from the head of village, village officials, to hamlets and neighborhoods, including the supports provided for some sectors such as health services with the establishment of the Boro Hospital, education, and groceries which were increasingly given to local residents. Hence, the religious map changed drastically from the majority of Muslims to the majority of non-Muslims. Now, there remains only at 32% of Muslims.
To revive the people that were once Muslims and then changed drastically to become non-Muslims is not an easy case. It needs a very hard struggle. Therefore, the families and the Muslim community of Banjarasri think again to build up religious enthusiasm in order to return to the true teachings, namely Islam. It calls for a breakthrough to design In this case, a strong religious motivation is required in order to restore the Islamic community. Motivation literally means the urge that arises in a person consciously or unconsciously to take action with certain goals (Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1995). Motivation is an effort that leads a person or a group of people to be driven to do something because they want to achieve the desired goal or get satisfaction from their actions (Tim Penyusun Kamus Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa, 1993). Motivation is the cause of a behavioral hypothesis, and the determinants of behavior are passion, enthusiasm, direction, and perseverance.
Motivation is often considered an answer to the question why an action is done (Grolier, 1993). Motivation is a psychological symptom in the form of an impulse that emerges in one's self in a conscious or unconscious way to take an action with a specific purpose (Djamarah, 2002). Positive motivation can move depressed psychological conditions to happy psychological conditions (Aryani, 2017).
Motivation plays an important role in one's self. If someone's motivation is strong to achieve certain goals, and his present conditions conform to capably develop accordingly, he will devote his seriousness to learn the right methods to achieve his goals (Najati, 2005). Internal motivation or the socalled ghairah, is a medium to strengthen the will to realize goals. By having high aspirations and perfecting one's outlook on the shining life horizon, someone will be encouraged to make an invitation full of determination and patience to achieve the educational goals of minority Muslim families.
To see the reality of the problems presented above, This study used an interpretive paradigm. The interpretive paradigm can be applied in unique social circumstances and allows for comparison. The interpretive paradigm creates a subjective experience and specific descriptions of an experience (Lawrence, 2004). This study used a descriptive qualitative method by applying a phenomenological approach. The subjects involved in this study consisted of 17 people comprising 5 heads of household from Muslim families, 10 community figures, and 2 non-Muslim figures. In addition, the objects of this study were the majority-minority relationship and the religious motivation of Muslim families in the village of Banjarasri.

Muslims in Banjarasri
The obedience to perform worship for Muslims and non-Muslims is a door to peace in worshiping for each adherent of a religion. All religions are basically ordered to respect and not to interfere the interests of others. The existence of community needs ideal rules in an effort to build up an interreligious and intercultural community in order to be in line with social dynamics.
Banjarasri is one of the villages in Kalibawang, Kulon Progo, Yogyakarta, with 32 percent of Muslim population and the rest 68 percent of non-Muslim citizens. The difference of religious adherents is quite sharp, but the level of tolerance can be said quite high in the context of Yogyakarta.
The result of an interview with SPT, (a Muslim), revealed, "Between Muslims and other non-Muslims are like brothers and sisters so we never make a fuss. We as Muslims have principles, while our non-Muslim brothers and sisters also have principles, so we on both sides have made an agreement that we would not make a fuss in matters of religions because all have become the sunatullah for different beliefs among us".
In line with the data of interview with Fr. JB in the Church of Santo Yusuf Boro Banjarasri, Fr. JB said, "Communication between Muslim and non-Muslim families in Banjarasri has been well established for a long time. This can be seen in joint activities. One of them is such as a cultural agenda so-called Sholawatan held every four months which is attended by both sides of communities, Muslims and non-Muslims. This agenda is initiated by the Head of Banjarasri Village, ER, who is also a non-Muslim." The result of an interview with SD, revealed that the relationship between Muslim families and non-Muslims could still run. There were no significant obstacles. The same thing also happened in communication made between ER as a non-Muslim village official with MS as his Muslim staff. There were no obstacles in running the village administration because of this. In addition, in the social community, the roles of the village head and the apparatus were mutually cooperative and helping each other in the social and cultural fields.
The result of interview with SPT, also indicated the same point in that many social activities were carried out by Banjarasri community together such as those from mutual cooperation to the artistic activity like Shalawatan. Shalawatan as such was fostered by ER as the Head of Banjarasri Village, and he facilitated various artistic activities. In Banjarsari, one group of Shalawatan was owned by Muslim youths, and there were eleven groups of Shalawatan managed by non-Muslims named Shalaka (Catholic Shalawatan).
Grounded in the results of the interview above, it is understood that the Banjarasri Muslim community can adjust their socio-cultural activities amid non-Muslim communities although the activities cannot be carried out exactly as those held by the majority of Muslims in general. In addition, they can also carry out routine worship activities without interruption. In short, the people in Banjarasri stay on the corridor of tolerance among religious adherents.
Based on the result of interview with Mr. SPT, it was known that tolerance and harmony among Banjarasri people were seen when Muslims held religious activities such as those during the fasting month, Eid Al-Fitr and Eid Al-Adha prayers, and the Commemoration of Islamic days (in Indonesian known as PHBI). Non-Muslims never made a mess, became jealous, and became envious of all activities carried out by Muslims.
For Christmas celebration in December every year, it ran orderly and smoothly. Muslim families were not affected by this activity. Interestingly, during the Muslim day, Eid al-Fitr, non-Muslim neighbors came to the houses of Muslim families because those who were Catholics still had kinship with these Muslim families.
Social relationship could still exist despite different beliefs. As stated in the result of an interview with SKD (KJ's biological brother), although he was Catholic, when Muslims celebrated Eid al-Fitr, he and his family came to his brother's house KJ. Even, if Eid al-Adha was held, he was also given sacrificial meat. It showed that the religious tolerance in Banjarasri was going well. SKD's son, named SMJ, is a Muslim. Now he lives in Pematang Panggang, Ogan Komering Ilir Regency, South Sumatra. SMJ even became a Muballigh in Pematang Panggang and his sister, SWTI, is also a Muslim, currently a teacher at SDN Banjarasri. She has 6 Catholic brothers who follow her religion. The foregoing means that there are reciprocal social actions between the two. There are social interactions between the two groups to do something good and to get responses from others. It is unique in nature that the more they understand their respective differences, the higher their social awareness (Fiske, 1992). The social behaviors as such are able to avoid the horizontal conflict of heterogeneous societies. This is in line with the conclusion of Kanas and Martinovic's study that the supports for violence in the form of activities associated with radical politics are much lower in Yogyakarta compared to Ambon, which is a conflict area (Kanas & Martinovic, 2017). While, such social actions, as stated by Weber et al. (1947), have noble goals that are to be mutually respectful for differences in beliefs with non-Muslim parties, and to never disturb and be disturbed. The same thing was found in ETK's family in the context of neighborliness which was established towards her mu'allaf husband. She said, "From the husband's side, the social relationship commonly known as silaturrahmi runs like what generally occurs in the community. Between my non-Muslim sisters as well as brothers-in-law and me, even though we have no problems in neighboring, sharing things when one of the family members gave birth, being together when having a celebration, helping each other, we do not mix things related to prayer".
In that regard, Muslim families can still play a role in the wider community. This aligns with Weber who argues that the context of social action integration in society will occur between the minorities and majorities. According to him, not all human actions can be considered social actions because an action can only be called a social action if the action is taken by considering others' behavior and being oriented towards it (Weber et al., 1947). According to him, a social action must be reciprocal between the two, so there is a purpose behind the social action, and there is a social interaction from one or a group doing something and getting a response from the other party.

C. Religious Motivation of Minority Muslim Families in Banjarsari
After the researchers conducted interviews, it was revealed that the religious motivation of the Banjarasri Village community was quite good, but varied in carrying out religious activities. However, there were also some Muslim communities who were pessimistic due to the non-Muslim majority community environment, but some were still optimistic though they were pushed into a minority position, which remained only at 32 percent of Muslim families.
Based on the results of this study, it was found that the religious motivation of Banjarasri Muslim families was relatively good. This could be seen from the agenda of Islamic teaching and learning/Ta'lim, their frequency of attending Ta'lim, and their industriousness in joining various religious activities. These points strengthened the minority Muslim families of Banjarasri to be able to adjust the situation to the majority of non-Muslims.
The results of interviews with RN and ETK indicated that in Banjarasri there were still found some Muslim families who tended to be reluctant or lazy in participating in religious activities. One of the reasons was due to the non-Muslim environment around them. However, because they were encouraged by various activities continuously and intensively carried out by the youths from the mosque and mushala, the Muslim families who had been lazy immediately aroused their religious enthusiasm again. On the other hand, some people had a very limited understanding of Islam so that there was a tendency to understand that non-Muslim religions were more promising in the aspect of wealth. This lasted from the colonial era until the 1980s. After the 80s the community began to realize that what the non-Muslims did had a mission to change the aqeedah. For this reason, Islamic leaders incessantly preached from house to house to revive Muslim religious awareness. This was done by SPT, SD, SG, and other Islamic figures. At that time, there was only Mushala al-Huda in Paras established in the 70s and al-Iman Mosque in Kisik.
The same thing was confirmed by SPT. He said, "Before 80s the Banjarsari people tended to be unknowledgeable Muslims (see Geetz, 2011). At that time, the community was experiencing economic hardship which would automatically affect the faith of the Muslim family households. Therefore, I and my friends gave motivation to raise the awareness of Muslim communities by going from house to house with the intention in order that they wanted to take part in making the mosque prosperous, adjusting to the surrounding community, and establishing partnerships with outsiders so that economic access could be built and so that the community was aware of immediately building prayer rooms in several places. This had an impact on the development of the subsequent mosque construction, which at that time was only a small mosque nearby Paras. After that, we built Al-Iman Mosque in Kisik which was located on the edge of a major road in order to be easily accessed by the surrounding community. Furthermore, we held regular Islamic teaching and learning by inviting Mubalighs from outside region for the sake of increasing religious awareness of the Muslims and izzul Islam wal muslimin was revived".
Discerning the results of interviews with the RN and SPT above, in that the community of Banjarasri in 1980s only had one Mushola and one mosque, This case shows that the minority Muslim community of Banjarasri still has a minority mentality. For this reason, the enlightenment which motivates the Muslim families in living as a minor community is needed. Even though the Muslim population of Indonesia at the national level is the majority, in Banjarasri the Muslim population represents minority which is only 32 percent. On the other hand, despite being the majority, the Indonesian Muslim community is still a minority. This is in accordance with the opinion of the Dutch sociologist, Niewenhuijze, that one of the forms of psychologies had by the majority of Indonesian Muslims in the 1980s is as a majority with minority complex. The number of community is major, but the mental attitude is minor.
The existence of this psychology is due to historical -political experiences since the Dutch era, when Muslims experienced social, economic, and political marginalization.
This condition continued in the periods of Old Order and New Order, when various political parties, organizations, and Muslim leaders who were considered to represent Muslims experienced marginalization and even suppression of the authorities (Azra, 2008). As a consequence, in carrying out activities, some Muslims are still in the minor mentality, and more clearly in the minor position such as Muslims in Banjarasri. In addition, they are also reluctant to participate in religious activities as stated by the SPT that those who are active range from 50-65 percent of the minority Muslim population, or 1,957 people (32%).
The results of the above study are in line with the opinion of Jamal al-Din ' Athiyyah who said that a group or community can be said to be a minority if: first, in terms of number the members are indeed fewer than the overall population of the majority; second, they do not have the power and strength so that their rights and obligations need to be protected; third, they have distinctive characteristics that distinguish them from the majority, whether those are on the basis of group, ethnicity, culture, language, or religion (Muhammad, 2001).
According to Jamal al-Din Athiyah, there are two forms of Muslim minority, namely: first, a minority based on the number of population as in Europe, America, India and China; second, minority based on legal rights. In this second case, even though they are in the majority position, Muslims suffer the fate like most minorities, that is, they always face harassment and discrimination, such as in Kasmir, Chechnya, Uzbekistan and Azarbaijan (Mawardi, 2010). Minority is generally defined in terms of numbers in the area in which they live. Minority is where their number is fewer than the majority group. The Muslim minority constitutes a small portion of the large population (Esposito, 2002).
In most places, the minor Muslim families face threats to anything that smells of Islam. They also complain about the efforts made by the majority to hinder the application of Islamic values. Thus, in the place of the major non-Muslims, many Muslim families lack the positive impulse to foster and maintain Islamic values. In addition to the fear of Islamphobia, there is also structured pressure from policy makers. Not surprisingly, Islamic culture and values are not strong and dominating.
Based on the results of the interview above, according to Esposito's (2002) previous opinion, for the minor Muslim families in Banjarasri, they only have two choices which are to be a muhajir (migrant) or become a mujahid (jihadist). When Muslims live in non-Muslim areas, it is obligatory upon them to organize or congregate with fellow Muslims to preserve and strengthen their Islamic identity. The results of this study are also in accordance with Sardiman's opinion who stated that motivation is an effort that drives someone to do something. The driving force comes from within and outside the subject to carry out certain activities in order to achieve a goal (Sardiman, 2012).
In the religious context, it can be understood that the religious motivation of the Banjarasri people is for the sake of improving the education quality of Muslim families. In addition, it is the driving force for a change in energy in a person as regards various aspects extending to Intellectual, psychological, and emotional aspects in acting or doing religious activities. The series of activities as such become a manifestation of the Muslim families' faith in Banjarasri Village.
According to ABR, religious activities increased even more before Ramadhan until the end of Ramadhan. The KUA Kalibawang gave appreciation to those who managed the mushala and mosque in order that they prepared everything from cleaning, organizing the committee of Ramadan activities, scheduling those who would become the imam of taraweh, scheduling lecturers who would teach Islam after taraweh, The results of the above study are also in accordance with Djamarah's (2002) opinion, in that motivation plays a role as a psychological phenomenon in the form of an impulse that arises in a person consciously or unconsciously to take an action with a specific purpose. Motivation can be in the form of an effort that can cause someone to be driven to do something because he/she wants to achieve his/her desired goals or get satisfaction with his/her actions.
According to NH, Muslim families in Banjarasri were quite enthusiastic in carrying out Islamic activities, starting out from praying in congregation at the mosque, attending the majelis ta'lim, to doing taraweh prayer in the month of Ramadan followed by tadarus al-Qur'ān. Every evening there was a ta'jil activity for "Breaking Fasting Together". Those who gave lectures in takjil activity were scheduled in turn. According to SGT, in connection with the religious activities of Banjarasri Village, in every month of Ramadan a Muslim family was given a drink and cake wherein this activity was managed by those who organized the Sunan Kalijogo Mosque, Kepiton Hamlet. This activity was followed by those from children to adults.
There is conformity between the above opinion with respect to the religious motivation of Banjarasri minor Muslim families and Uthman Najati's opinion as cited in Abdurrahman Saleh and Muhbib Abdul Wahab, in that motivation becomes a driving force that activates activities in living things, and causes behavior as well as directs towards certain goals (Saleh & Wahab, 2004).

Religious motivation for the minor Muslim families of
Banjarasri is aligned with the theory postulated by Uthman Nadjati, which is the capability to move. This can be seen from the activities of mosque / mushala administrators, TPA managers, Islamic Board members and worshipers who are so enthusiastic about enlivening various activities during the month of Ramadhan, so that they find a system of religious motivation for Muslim families.
Likewise, UJ said "the program that can be carried out for the Banjarasri community requires integration of various programs, including: there are Islamic lecturing in every homestead activity, skills for young women, agricultural / plantation counseling (such as the cultivation of red dragon fruit, cocoa, or chocolate), fisheries instructors (such as fish breeding) and assistance as well as capital in order to improve people's economy (such as making cookies). This activity is called Qaryah Ṭayyibah activity, and it is more in demand by male and female adults as well as young women. In addition, the Muslim families here have an identity that is not owned by non-Muslims. Although they, non-Muslims, are the majority in this village, other people or other villages also recognize the existence of Muslim families in Banjarasri, so that it can increase their confidence as Muslims".
The results of the study above show the identity of a Muslim and the cohesiveness of Muslim family group. There is agreement with the opinion of Baron and Byrne, that the group has two psychological signs, namely: first, group members feel attached to the group -there is a sense of belonging -that is not owned by people who are not the members; second, the fate of group members is interdependent, so that everyone is related in a certain way with others (Baron & Byrne, 1979). This is also in line with Collin and Raven's opinion as cited in Jalaluddin Rahmat, in that group cohesion as a force that encourages group members to remain in the group, and prevent them from leaving the group (Rahmat, 2015). According to Mc. David and Hahari as cited in Rahmat (2015), cohesion is measured by: first, members' personal interest in each other; second, the members' interest in group activities and functions; and third, the extent to which the members are drawn to the group as a tool to satisfy their personal needs.
In various religious activities, Muslim families are very united as a minority group. It affects the emergence of group cohesion that is quite strong. The solid group cohesion owned by the Banjarasri Muslim family community has made their motivation to generate religious motivation.
The strong cohesion of Banjarasri minor Muslim families creates cohesiveness in the process of refreshment for Muslim citizens through Qaryah Ṭayyibah activities. From this activity the researchers found high enthusiasm in this group in order to fortify aqeedah from outside influences that dominate in Banjarasri. The cohesion of these minority Muslim family groups is driven by small groups to portray various Islamic activities.
In this case, there is an agreement between Bormann's opinion as cited in Jalaluddin, in that a highly cohesive group has an atmosphere to enhance feedback because it encourages more effective communication. Cohesive group members will ask for the information they need, because they are not afraid of looking stupid and losing their faces. Members who feel that the group's decisions are bad will ask questions. They cannot stay silent and let the group make mistakes (Rahmat, 2015).
This cohesive group, namely minority Muslim families, has members who are strongly bound to the group, so they become easy to confirm things. The more cohesive a group is, the easier it is for members to submit to the norms of the group, and the more intolerant of its deviant members.
Thus, the bondage of the group will be more cohesive, and the members will feel mutual ownership of the group, so that minority Muslim families are so cohesive.

D. Conclusion
The relationship between Muslim families and non-Muslim families in Banjarsari is established based upon a variety of ways which fall into the following points: (1) building relationship in the field of social field, (2) integrating the field of art and culture for the sake of building togetherness amid the society. In such a way, the relationship between majority and minority group is harmoniously built up. The religious motivation of Muslim minorities in Banjarsari can be stable till today. Such motivation is underpinned by the intrinsic and extrinsic power. Extrinsically, it can be seen from the strong influence from the mosque administrators, and various religious activities are capable of enhancing Banjarsari Muslims' awareness of their religion. Besides, solid cohesiveness of the group strengthens their religious motivation and protects the group members from the influences of other religions. Intrinsically, the religious motivation of Muslims in Banjarsari basically is the effect of self-awareness by reasons of their minor position, so that such motivation yields strong inner capacity from each Muslim family to revive and get more deeply into Islam.