THE DYNAMIC VIEWS OF KIAIS IN RESPONSE TO THE GOVERNMENT REGULATIONS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF PESANTREN

The study discusses the dynamics of kiais’ views in response to the government regulations to develop education in pesantren. It is a descriptive qualitative study on the kiais in Pondok Pesantren Lirboyo, Kediri, East Java, Indonesia. Using a theory of social construction of reality, it scrutinizes the regulations that the government issued and the ways the kiais are responding to them. The social construction of the kiais brings a dynamic action in developing the pesantren. Government regulations related to the education in pesantren, as a social reality, are not textually accepted. Rather, the kiais always seek to address these regulations creatively and dynamically as to integrate the education in pesantren with the old tradition and modernity, because of which the needs and development of society can be fulfilled. The knowledge of the kiais influences the actions in developing education in pesantren. Innovative and dynamic views of the kiais lead to the growth of pesantren in multiple dimensions.


A. Introduction
The development of education in pesantren cannot be totally separated from government regulations. Changes in these regulations always affect the dynamics of education in pesantren and other Islamic educational institutions (Muhajir, 2010;Zuhri, 2006). The relations between pesantren (Islamic Boarding School) and the government, historically, had experienced ups and downs in some different eras (Suparta, 2014). During the Dutch colonial rule, it was under high pressures and marginalization (OECD/ADB, 2015). The movement of Indonesian Muslims to perform the hajj has been restricted, resulting to the limited number of Muslims who understood, appreciated, and practiced the teachings of Islam. Thus, the development of Islamic education was very slow (Burhanudin, 2004;Dhofier, 1985). These limitations were carried out through, some of them, the resolutions of 1825 and 1831, as well as the ordinance of 1859 (Goksoy, 2002). The three regulations aimed to control the hajj that the government considered a threat to the power of the government colonies along the Dutch East Indies (Burhanudin, 2012).
Despite of the high pressure from the colonial government, pesantren did not stop to grow. Even the policy made the kiais transform into active communities as opposed to the Islamic officials (penghulu), the religious elite, who received support from the Netherlands at the time. These schools are implementing the boarding school system of pesantren (Azra, 2015).
The end of the colonial governance did not mean a better treatment for pesantren. Marginalization continued but did not stop this institution to move forward dynamically in order to meet the needs of society. During the condition, kiais, as caregivers, played a crucial role (Dhofier, 1985) because they were the essential element of pesantren (Lukens-Bull, 2004).
Meanwhile, the growth of pesantren depended on the personal ability of the kiai (Dhofier, 1985;Raihani, 2012). The development and modernization had been going on since the beginning of the 20th century. Tebuireng, Jombang East Java, was the first pesantren which went into modernization and education innovation (Suharto, 2014). This development, due to the impact of the ethical politics of the Dutch colonialism (Burhanudin, 2004;Yamaguchi, 2016) and the Islamic reformism (Burhanudin, 2012), did not weaken kiais although they had to share their authority with teachers or other educators (Arifin, 2013). Society still recognized them as the central figures in pesantren. Within the political practice, for example, the authority of kiai should have been weakened, but they still had a vital role (Turmudzi, 2006). This influential role let the kiais decide and direct the development and the future of pesantren (Dhofier, 1985). Independence, as one of the crucial aspects of kiais (Turmudzi, 2006) can result in different policies (Frederick & Worden, 2011). Their creativities are diverse, indicated by the presence of various dimensions in the educational development of pesantren (Dhofier, 2011).
The kiais in Indonesian pesantren have been out of the control of the government bureaucracy. Unlike the system that the British carried out in Malaysia, the Dutch allowed Islamic education or pesantren to go outside the control of the local aristocrats and the emerging state bureaucrats (Sidel, 2001). In Malaysia, religious leaders are not as free as those in Indonesia. In the last few decades, it appeared that they were not allowed to deviate from the line or rule of the government. In general, this is different from kiais of pesantren in Indonesia, who are relatively independent and free from the government (Shiozaki & Kushimoto, 2014).
They are independent in making decisions and actions.
The dynamic character of kiais and pesantrens has been an exciting topic for a lot of researchers from various disciplines. Some studies on the dynamic character of kiai The various studies above discussed the mechanism how kiais are dealing with two interrelated things, i.e. preserving the old tradition and negotiating modernity. Firstly, they build a network of intellectual and spiritual relationships. Secondly, they modernize education in pesantren (Raihani, 2012) and engage in politics. They performed this mechanism with different emphasis (Fauzi, 2012).
The government had issued many regulations and policies related to education in pesantren since the days of colonial period up to now (Suparta, 2014 which is an indication that it gains more considerable attention.
These regulations strengthen the existing recognition of society on pesantren, especially after the termination of the New Order government. The recognition brings more burden and responsibility to pesantren. As caregivers, the kiais are required to be creative that pesantren can develop and meet the needs and dynamics of society.

Moh. Asror Yusuf and Ahmad Taufiq
The wide range of regulation and policy gives the kiais flexibility and autonomous action, which is always moving and changing according to different conditions. The kiais always create various policies. The kiais tend to have diverse views which are, nevertheless, based on the principle of moderation and nonextremism (Yusuf, 2010), as it is apparent from the religious curriculum being developed in some pesantrens (Basri, 2014;Zulkarnain, 2015). Different views of the kiais do not only depend on the different pesantrens, but also the different periodic leadership of the same pesantren, said Wahid in his foreword to Dirdjosanjoto's Memelihara Umat: Kyai Pesantren Kyai Langgar (Dirdjosanjoto, 1999).
The above description signifies the importance of studies on the dialectic between the kiais and the government policy in order to understand their autonomy and creativity in addressing the policy. The current study examines the dynamic views of kiais in response to the government regulation in the development of education in pesantren. It is a descriptive qualitative study. The analysis is built on the theory of social construction of reality, which is missing in the previous studies. The object of the study is the kiais in Pesantren Lirboyo, Kediri, East Java, Indonesia.

B. The Social Construction of Kiais upon Social Reality
The dynamic actions of kiais are interrelated with the social construction that they develop. The knowledge of kiais is always dialectically related to social realities. Peter L. Berger, known for his theory of social construction of reality, explains that the dialectic between knowledge and social reality is the source of social change. The overall thoughts of Berger about social change cannot be separated from two main concepts in the sociology of knowledge, which are "knowledge" and "reality" (Berger & Luckmann, 1966). It shows that there is connection between knowledge as a subjective reality and reality as an objective fact. On the one hand, objective reality is highly dependent on human knowledge. On the other hand, human knowledge is highly contingent on the objective reality.
Berger describes the first as "society in man" and the second as "man in society" (Berger, 1963).
Berger then explained both concepts in his book coauthored with Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality: a Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. He used in the book the terms "society as an objective reality" and "society as a subjective reality." Through both terms, Berger attempted to explain that-in contrast with the philosophers who search for the roots of knowledge and social reality and with the laypeople who take for granted whatever happens, social scientists will always look for the relationship between the social conditions and knowledge and social reality. Therefore, knowledge and reality are always relative, depending on the surrounding social context (Berger & Luckmann, 1966). In addition, the very fact depends on the construction given by the society. Likewise, social construction cannot be separated from the surrounding social reality. Society is both an "objective reality" and a "subjective reality." the most important and the main concern to understand society is face-to-face interaction with one another. The result of these social interactions will be objectified into social reality through habituation, typification, and shared stock of knowledge (Samuel, 2012). The most crucial objectification is signification in which language is one of its elements. With language, objectification can be performed and maintained through legitimacy, and then internalized again by the individual as his or her subjective knowledge through socialization (Samuel, 2012). term, but he seeks to put the sociology of knowledge in the context of sociology (Baum, 1999). Max Scheler introduced the term "sociology of knowledge" in the 1920s in Germany.
Initially, the term was part of a philosophical debate. Later on, Karl Manheim brought it into a sociological context, causing a continues and vigorous debate (pro and cons) about the sociology of knowledge (Berger & Luckmann, 1966).
Mannheim claimed that Sociology of Knowledge is a branch of Sociology. As a theory, it analyzes the relation between knowledge and existence. As a socio-historical research, this branch attempts to explore the forms brought by the relation between knowledge and existence in the human intellectual development (Mannheim, 1954). Referring to Mannheim, Berger stated that sociology of knowledge needs to focus on the social construction of reality carried out by the knowledge of society (Berger & Luckmann, 1966). Therefore, social change, as a social reality, can be well understood if the knowledge of society is always taken into account in a sociohistorical context.
There are three main moments, which are the central concept of Berger's thought, that show the process of social formation as an objective and a subjective reality and social change as well. They are internalization, externalization, and objectification (Suhartini, 2013). At first, Berger said, a human is born like a tabula rasa (blank paper). Through socialization, which is both primary and secondary, someone can absorb the social environment where he or she belongs. People experience the so-called internalization throughout their life. Since social interaction is a world that has been already interpreted as a result of externalization from different individuals, internalization will also make human knowledge dynamic as well. During internalization, every human will interpret the objective reality differently, which is then used as a subjective knowledge (Samuel, 2012).
In addition to absorbing dynamically a objective reality into a subjective knowledge, humans also perform externalization (a disclosure of subjectivity) through activities in order to survive (Samuel, 2012). Humans are the products of community and vice versa (Pramono, 2018). On the one hand, the ongoing externalization will produce a society as an objective reality (through habituation, typification, and shared stock of knowledge) and maintain it (through legitimacy). On the other hand, this process also will cause social change as it relates to the dynamics of socio-historical condition.
Every kiai in pesantren has a socio-historical condition, including background of life, social and cultural environment, experience, education, condition of the pesantren, insights in the study of religious books and other sciences, as well as social relationship. All these conditions grow dynamically and differently with one another, determining the dynamics of their knowledge on social reality. Thus, every kiai has a different social construction.

C. The Government Regulations on Pesantren
The development of education in pesantren is indispensable from government regulation. The policy of "ethical politics" introduced by Conrad Th. Van Deventer during the Dutch colonial government (Laffan, 2003), for example, had a very significant influence on the development of education in pesantren at the beginning of the 20th century.
The introduction of a modern schooling model (Suparta, 2014) began to become effective since 1902 when W.F. Idenburg was the Minister of the colonial regime. J.H. Abendanon, who was appointed as the director of education in the Dutch East Indies in 1900-1905, preceded the same policy (Burhanudin, 2012). K.F. Holle and Snouck Hurgronje in the 19th century had an initiative to implant a modern mind and thought into the people of the Dutch East Indies (the natives). One of the impacts of this policy was the emergence of newly educated elites in the early 20th century (Latif, 2005). In addition to the education for the aristocrats, the government also provided public schools for people and villagers since 1907 (Latif, 2005).
The policy, which might be also referred to as a politics of "association," was the amendment of the previous policy that has a severe impact on the people of the Dutch East Indies as well as limiting the freedom of the kiais in organizing religious education. It was enforced through a variety of rules in 1825, 1831, and 1859, aiming to restrict the pilgrims and to control their activities after returning from the hajj. The policy was based on the argument that the pilgrims had been involved in a number of uprisings against the colonial rule throughout the 19th century (Latif, 2005). These regulations slowed down the growth of muslims who understand, cherish, and practice the teachings of Islam (Dhofier, 1985).
The Dutch applied all these restrictions after successfully establishing its political power and economy, especially in Java, through the trading company called VOC, between 1677 and 1777. With the power and authority, this company distroyed the economy of the local people; as a consequence, the traders lost their jobs and turned into becoming farmers (Dhofier, 1985). The Dutch smashed the structure of social organization, economy, and the mentality of the local people as well (Furnivall, 2010).
Although the Dutch restricted their movements, the  (Jabali & Jamhari, 2003). This is in line with the stipulation mandated by the Joint Ministerial Decree (SKB) No. 6, 1975(Basri, 2014Suharto, 2013).  (Bruinessen, 1995). The different perspectives have made the tradition of pesantren highly dynamic. In theory, the kiai in pesantren still refers to the opinions of the scholars in the yellow books, but in practice, he can understand the dynamics of social change (Taufiq, 2009). Sunan Kalijaga and Sunan Kudus, Java, Indonesia are the best examples how local culture is recognized and appreciated (Erzad & Suciati, 2018), and majority of the kiais do the same way.
One of the distinctive characteristics of pesantren is that it always has its root in tradition while at the same time striving to respond positively to the needs of the society. Pesantren has two roles at once, preserving the tradition and promoting social change (Fauzi, 2012). Both roles become one of the main factors that determine the sustainability Moh. Asror Yusuf and Ahmad Taufiq of pesantren up to now (Pribadi, 2013). The most popular dictum of pesantren is "preserving the good old tradition and adopting the new better one" (Azizy, 2002;Baso, 2015). Based on this foundation, social changes in pesantren are not solely determined by the structure outside or by itself. In this case, the duality always exists between the autonomous tradition of pesantren and the changing needs of the social structure outside.
The tradition of pesantren-, which always combines universality with locality, international science with local culture, and the highest possible achievement in science with a firmly rooted faith-always move dynamically within the current social changes. The tradition of pesantren has been always in a dialectical relation with the social dynamics.
Despite the similarities, this institution is far from being singular (Raharadjo, 1985). Current studies by many social scientists showed that social dynamics does not only occur in one direction, rather they are mutually related (dialectical) and are very complex. The dual relations between the subjective agent and the objective social structure have formed social reality, supported by its own autonomus nature (Wahid, 2001). The autonomy of pesantren cannot be separated from the kiai's role and decision. As a leader, the kiai plays a crucial role and his presence is essential to pesantren (Lukens-Bull, 2004).
The government regulations on pesantren are an objective reality that the kiai has to face. As the main actor in charge of the management and development of his pesantren, the kiai will internalize dynamically the reality to preserve the tradition of pesantren and to meet the needs and dynamics of society as well. The dynamic attitude and actions are very much dependent on the conditions of the kiai's social and cultural background, such as education, family, environment, and life experience. The lively internalization will determine the subjectivity of the kiai. Furthermore, within his subjectivity the kiai will do externalization to develop the pesantren according to the dynamics of society. This is reasonable since pesantren is closely related with Islam-based local wisdom (Patriadi, Bakar, & Hamat, 2015). The continuous externalization leads to the objective reality of education in pesantren in terms of its educational types and forms being developed. Therefore, every pesantren is undergoing a different phase of development in the face of the same regulation reference.
Besides, the objective reality in the development of pesantren will be internalized again by the kiai, depending on the socio-historical conditions. The new internalization will cause different externalization and objectification. The processes of internalization, externalization, and objectification have been dynamically performed. This is possible because of the kiai's dialectical efforts in addressing the government regulations. Therefore, the kiai will interprete the development of his institution in a dynamic way.

E. The Dynamic Views of Kiai Lirboyo on the Development of Pesantren
Pesantren Lirboyo is one of the Islamic boarding schools that still exists and grows despite of the up and down government policy. It is located in Kediri, East Java, Indonesia. The famous pesantren has a long history that can be traced before and after the Indonesian independence.
Pesantren Lirboyo has many students and its alumni all over the archipelago are making valuable contributions in their respective societies, as illustrated in the guidebook of "Pesantren Lirboyo" (Tim Penyusun, 2010).
Pesantren Lirboyo is a traditional pesantren, if we have to use the distinction between the salaf (traditional) and khalaf (modern) category. Dhofier (1985) and Walbridge (1998) argued that there are two categories of pesantren: Pesantren Salaf and Pesantren Khalaf. Accordingly, the kiai can be also grouped into salaf and khalaf. The Kiai salaf are normally those who are well-educated in pesantren salaf (traditional, non-formal), while kiai khalaf are identical to those who studied in modern (formal) institutions.
Pesantren Lirboyo was founded in 1910 by KH. Abdul Karim (1856, the son-in-law of K. Sholeh in Banjar Melati, Kediri. It started from a bamboo-made small prayer house (surau) that KH. Abdul Karim built. It attracted many students to come and study with him. Shortly after, he built a cottage, which is now called pondok lama (the old cottage). The times flies but Pondok Pesantren Lirboyo keeps growing. At first, there was only an old cottage but then the other units followed (Pengurus Pondok Pesantren Lirboyo, 2007).
This pesantren is managed collectively by a number of kiais, who are the descendant of the founder; a board of supervisor composed of the eldest kiais is at the top management. The board, which was initiated by Kiai Mahrus Aly in 1966, is  The presence of this higher education is an answer to the anxiety of society that the students (santris) must quit from the pesantren if they want to pursue their studies in college.
Dhofir states that the graduates of pesantren who want to  (Dhofier, 1990). Santris who want to go to college does not need leave the pesantren because Lirboyo already has one.

F. Conclusion
The development of education in pesantren is influenced by many aspects, two of which are the role of the kiais and the government regulation. Since the beginning of its development, the relationship between pesantren and the government have been ups and downs. In the era of the Islamic kingdom, this institution was very close to the government.