THE DYNAMICS OF THE INDONESIAN HADRAMIS ON THE MAULID CELEBRATION

This article seeks to explore the debate between two groups of Indonesian Hadhramis (Bā ‘Alawi and nonSayyid) concerning the maulid celebration. It is based on a qualitative research study. The data was collected through a combination of library research and field study. The fieldwork was completed in Surakarta by observing the maulid celebration of the Bā ‘Alawi community in the city. The study results show the debate between the Sayyid and non-Sayyid communities surrounding the maulid has occurred since the early 20th century and continues until today. The first group, also known as the Bā ‘Alawi, have consistently supported the maulid practice since the early 20th century, starting with the establishment of Jamiat Khair to several Bā ‘Alawi preachers such as the ones in the Riyadh Mosque in Surakarta that are explained in this text. Regarding the second group, the maulid is promoted by the Al-Irsyad faction, which do not condemn the maulid but only criticize some practices within the celebration they regard as bid’a. In the present day, Al-Irsyad is separated into two groups: Al-Irsyad AlIslamiyah and the Salafis of Perhimpunan al-Irsyad. This Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies (QIJIS) Volume 8, Number 2, 2020 DOI : 10.21043/qijis.v8i2.6586

article finds that the former preserves the old stance

A. Introduction
Hadhramis are an Arab people originating from the Hadhramaut region in Yemen. Their diasporic communities can be found around the world, including in Southeast Asia.

Most Hadhramis arrived in the Dutch East Indies, present-day
Indonesia, in the latter half of the eighteenth century (L.W.C. van den Berg, 1989;Mobini-Kesheh, 1999).
In terms of social status, Indonesian Hadhramis are categorized into two groups. The first group is the Sayyid (pl. sada) community who claim to be descendants of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). Also referred to as the Bā ' Alawi, or "children of ' Alawī," they embrace the ' Alawīyya Sufi order and the Shafi'ī madhhab (Islamic school of law).
The second group is the non-Sayyid community. They occupy a lower social rank than the Sayyids as they cannot claim lineage from the Prophet (pbuh). When the Hadhrami people left Hadhramaut, they brought this stratification with them to their new lands. Furthermore, it should be noted that differences between the Bā ' Alawi and the non-Sayyid not only in social life but also in religious discourse. Regarding the dynamics of the non-Sayyid community, Miftahuddin (2013) and Syamsul (2017) address the development of Al-Irsyad in the post-reformation era. These two works capture how the debate between the two factions of Al-Irsyad led to the creation of two separate organizations: Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyah and Perhimpunan al-Irsyad. Yet, these two works did not discuss the dispute between the two bodies dealing with a religious opinion, especially their stances surrounding the maulid celebration. In general, this study will fill the literature gap on the Hadhramis of Indonesia, particularly by giving information and analysis on the dynamic between the Sayyid and non-Sayyid pertaining to the maulid.
This article is based on a qualitative research study that combined library research and fieldwork. The library research was done by scrutinizing recent studies on the Hadhramis to find an explanation on their positions in connection with the celebration of maulid. The fieldwork was done in Solo in the span of two months from January to February 2018 by observing the maulid celebration at the Riyadh Mosque. In general, this article argues that the debate between the Sayyid and the non-Sayyid that exists today has occurred since the early 20 th century. This article finds that the opinion of the non-Sayyid community related to the maulid is not a singular one. The Salafi faction is against celebrating the maulid, while reformists accept the celebration with some modifications. This article will firstly discuss the historical background of Hadhramis in Indonesia and the dynamics within their community. The section afterward will discuss the different standpoints taken by Indonesian Hadhramis, particularly with regard to religious rituals, including the maulid celebration.
The last two sections will discuss the reaction of the Bā ' Alawi to criticism of the maulid by the non-Sayyid community and how they are able to revive their network and movement to promote the maulid celebration amid the intense criticism. The last section will discuss the maulid celebration in Surakarta as part of the Bā ' Alawi's efforts to preserve and promote the maulid in the city.

B. The History of Hadrami Dynamics in Indonesia
As it is explained by several scholars such as Bujra (1967), Haikal (1986), Huub de Jonge (1993, and Mobini-Kesheh (1999), Hadhramis, especially the Bā ' Alawi, place great importance on preserving their cultural and religious traditions. They have a common belief that they are the biological heirs of the Prophet (pbuh). Additionally, they practice kafā'ah (equality) in marriage, meaning that Bā ' Alawi women can only marry men inside their community. When the Bā ' Alawi settled in the Dutch East Indies, this tradition was maintained. In addition, certain honorific names continue to be used by the Bā ' Alawi: 'Sayyid' and 'Habib' for men, and 'Syarifah', 'Habiba,' or 'Sayyida' for women (Boxberger, 2002;Mobini-Kesheh, 1999).

In her work about the Hadhrami people in the Dutch
East Indies, Mobini-Kesheh (1999) states that in the early decades of the 20 th century, the Hadhramis progressed through education, organization, and literacy in a way that she describes as nahdah (an awakening). This can be seen, for instance, in the establishment of the Jamiat Khair in 1901 (Haikal, 1986). As an organization initiated by the Bā ' Alawi, most of its boards were Sayyids. However, the organization also consisted of non-Sayyid members who joined but only became passive members uninvolved in the board structure. One of the reasons for the establishment of such an organization was the lack of opportunity Arabs had in obtaining a formal education (Noer, 1963). To encourage the progress of its educational institution, Jamiat Khair invited several teachers from the Middle East. One teacher, Syaikh Ahmad Surkati (d. 1943), was a Mecca-educated Sudanese man familiar with the works of Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Ridha. Consequently, he favored the idea of ijtihād and was against the practice of taqlīd (Islamic reformism) (Abu Shouk, 2002).
In 1911, Surkati was brought to Java by Jamiat Khair to be its schools' inspector. After two years, the organization, pleased with his work, gave Surkati full authority to appoint teachers for its schools. Thus, Surkati requested more Sudanese individuals to help him with assessing the schools (Mobini-Kesheh, 1999;Noer, 1973). Alongside Surkati, the new teachers promoted the notion of Islamic reformism to the schools, as well as to the organization (Abu Shouk, 2002;Mobini-Kesheh, 1999;Noer, 1963). The strong influence of Surkati worried some people in Jamiat Khair, especially his appreciation of Islamic reformism. One of their objections lied in Surkati's belief that all Muslims were equal and that higher status could not be imparted on a person due to their lineage. Naturally, Surkati's point of view would threaten the social status of the Bā 'Alawi (Abu Shouk, 2002).
The falling-out between Surkati and Jamiat Khair would occur after an incident in Solo, Central Java, in 1913. The Bā ' Alawi objected to Surkati's suggestion of a marriage match between a syarifah (a daughter of a Sayyid) with a non-Sayyid man. Such a union was disapproved of as it went against the Bā ' Alawi interpretation of kafā'ah. Following that event, the relationship between Surkati and Jamiat Khair deteriorated.
In general, the establishment of Al-Irsyad shows the attempt of Surkati and the reformist Hadhramis to contest the religious authority of Jamiat Khair, especially the Bā ' Alawi.
Throughout history, the authority of the Bā ' Alawi was believed without objection. This was due to the widespread belief that

C. Al-Irsyad Criticism on the Maulid Celebration
In this section, I will explain the criticism of Al-Irsyad on the Bā ' Alawi's religious rituals, including the maulid celebration.

Religious opinion of Ahmad Surkati
Besides the criticism of Surkati and Al-Irsyad on the Bā ' Alawi's religious practices elaborated in the previous section (the kafā'ah and the use of the Sayyid title), several other religious practices and beliefs are criticized by Al-

Irsyad. For example, a book by Surkati titled Al-Masā'il
al-Thalāth (The Three Problems) discusses these issues. Surkati wrote this book after receiving an invitation to a debate. The debate was supposed to revolve around the three following topics: ijtihād (individual reasoning) and taqlīd (blind obedience), gravesite visitation and tawassul (intermediation), and sunnah and bid'a. However, as the person who called for the debate did not show up, Surkati decided to publish the book as a response (Surkati, 1988).
As a reformist Muslim, Surkati always based his criticisms on the Qur'ān and hadīth. In explaining the three problems, he consistently pointed to the direct sources of the Qur'ān and hadīth, instead of the opinion of the ulamā. Therefore, with regard to the first topic of ijtihād and taqlīd, Surkati favored the former. In his book, he criticizes those who practiced blind obedience  (Surkati, 1988). Naturally, his opinion is consistent with the typical reformist Muslim thinking that advocates returning to the Qur'ān and sunnah by practicing ijtihād.

Regarding gravesite visitation and tawassul,
Surkati argues that visiting the grave is recommended by the Prophet (pbuh). However, the visit should exclude forbidden practices such as crying at the grave, tawassul, saint worshipping, seeking a blessing from the deceased, or making a sacrifice with the intention of being rewarded by the grave. He states that all these practices are considered shirk (idolatry) (Surkati, 1988). However, Surkati put emphasis on one particular custom widely practiced in the Dutch East Indies. This custom was saint worship, in which Muslims conducted a ritual around the grave by overpraising the deceased to garner a blessing to the visitors. Surkati considers the ritual a pagan practice, and he suggested Muslims avoid it as God forbids pagan practices (Surkati, 1988). It seems that this criticism was directed toward the Bā ' Alawi, who believe in a cult of saints.
Concerning tawassul (intermediation), Surkati regards this practice as munkar (evil). The basis for this condemnation is that, according to Surkati, neither the Prophet (pbuh) nor his companions practiced this ritual. He also states that the four madhhab founders did not practice tawassul either. Therefore, in his opinion, this ritual must be avoided (Surkati, 1988). Again, this criticism is presumably directed toward the Bā ' Alawi, who practice the ritual of tawassul in almost every religious gathering they hold.
On the third topic of sunnah and bid'a, Surkati firstly explains the definition of sunnah, which he regards as the Prophet's (pbuh) utterances and deeds aimed at explaining the verses of the Qur'ān. He then explains that Islam came from the Almighty Allah and was brought by Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). Therefore, in his opinion, there must be no addition by Muslims with regard to religious rituals. He also emphasizes that any addition to this 'perfect religion' can be considered bid'a and will lead people astray. In addition, Surkati also mentions that there can be no bid'a hasanah (good innovation), especially in religious matters (Surkati, 1988). Nevertheless, there were some religious practices of Muslims in the Dutch East Indies that were considered bid'a by Surkati. They are ushalli (uttering the intention), talqin (reciting when someone is about to die or after the burial), the practicing of tahlilan (praying for the deceased), and visiting the grave and al-qiyām fi qissat maulid an-nabi (the act of standing in the maulid celebration) (Affandi, 1976).
Regarding the maulid, it seems that Surkati did not reject the maulid celebration. As mentioned above, Surkati considered the act of qiyām during the maulid celebration as bid'a. Yet, he did not mention anything about the celebration itself. His religious stance on this issue can be confirmed by a maulid event that took place in Batavia in 1919. The maulid celebration was reported to be attended by some Irsyadis. However, when the participants of the maulid stood up during the qiyām, the Irsyadis remained sitting. Many Muslims criticized the actions of these Irsyadis in Batavia (N. Kaptein, 1993).

The Break of al-Irsyad
What can be said about Al-Irsyad in recent times?
Have they shifted their stance on the maulid as their fellow  (Hasan, 2006).

The introduction of these teachers resulted in
significant changes to the pondok pesantren and the organization itself. Concerning the pondok pesantren, the curriculum was adapted according to Salafi teaching.
These ustads strictly implemented Salafi principles such as the prohibition of human and animal pictures, no paying respect to the national flag, no smoking or watching television, as well as the banning of music. These doctrinal rules concerned parents who noticed their children implementing at home the teaching of removing pictures, television, and radio they had received at the pesantren. Subsequently, the parents filed a formal complaint about this. After a meeting which was attended by the central board of Al-Irsyad, it was decided that the three Salafi teachers needed to be replaced. Following that decision, for a while, the pondok pesantren lacked leadership. As a result, the branch of Al-Irsyad in Semarang re-appointed one of the teachers, Yusuf Usman Baisa (n.d.), as the pesantren's director (Hasan, 2006). Thus, according to Geys Amar, the dismissal of these ten members was intended to protect Al-Irsyad from Salafi-Wahabi influences (Rijal, 2017). By doing this, he wanted to keep the reformist-modernist style of Al-Irsyad as how

Different Interpretation of al-Irsyad on the Maulid Celebration
Pertaining to the schism of Al-Irsyad into Perhimpunan Al-Irsyad and Al-Irsyad al-Islamiyah, each of them offers a different interpretation on the legality of certain religious rituals, including the maulid celebration. This section will discuss each organization's opinion regarding the maulid celebration.
The opinion of Perhimpunan Al-Irsyad on the maulid can be seen through the statements of some members of the fatwā board of Perhimpunan Al-Irsyad on social media. As these preachers are quite famous online, their statements could be easily found. The first statement is from Firanda Andirja Abidin, the chairman of the fatwā board of Perhimpunan Al-Irsyad. This statement is a response to a question by one of his followers on the ruling of the maulid celebration. Firanda's argument is as follows: The maulid celebration is a religious ritual that was done neither by the Prophet (pbuh) nor his companions. Due to this reason, we do not practice the maulid celebration. Some people say that the maulid is celebrated because they love the Prophet, but the companions had a bigger love for the Prophet (pbuh) than us. However, they never celebrated the maulid (Salam Dakwah, 2014).
From the above statement, we can see that Firanda rejects the maulid celebration. Besides this statement, there are several other lectures of Firanda on social media where he states that the maulid celebration is bid'a and recommends to his followers not to practice it .
In addition to Firanda, another member of the fatwā board of Perhimpunan Al-Irsyad, Khalid Bassalamah, made the same argument on social media. When asked by one of his followers whether he was permitted to join the maulid celebration at the invitation of a friend, Bassalamah stated that he should not go as the maulid was never practiced by the Prophet (pbuh) (Hijrah, 2016). He states that the maulid celebration is commemorated not only to celebrate the Prophet's birthday but also to convey Islam as a religion that blesses the universe (Islam rahmatan lil 'Alamin) . Another example can be found on the Facebook page of an Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyah primary school in Jember, East Java.
On its Facebook page, the school posted about a speech contest for students that will be held to celebrate the maulid (Al-Irsyad, 2017). This is different from Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyah, whose preachers I could not find many online videos or articles.

D. The Revival of Bā 'Alawi in Indonesia
This section analyzes how the Bā ' Alawi reacted to and defended the Salafi Hadhramis against criticism made toward them in regard to the maulid celebration.

Revitalizing the Yemeni connection
From the work of van den Berg (1989) and Mobini-Kesheh (1999), we learn that a substantial number of Yemen's political situation, which involved its Southern region being occupied by a communist regime. As a consequence, the anti-communist Soeharto restricted migration between Indonesia and Yemen. This policy naturally altered the network connection between Hadhramaut and its diasporic community in Indonesia.
The last migration from Hadhramaut to Indonesia was in the 1950s (Slama, 2014).
When the communist regime collapsed, and the two states of South and North Yemen were united in 1990, the connection between Indonesia and Hadhramaut was revived.
There are two factors responsible for this revival. The first was the emerging charismatic preacher Habib Umar bin Hafiz (b. 1963). Since 1996, he has accepted many students from Indonesia and became the patron of many Bā ' Alawi figures in this country. The second factor was the Indonesian Bā ' Alawi's desire to reconnect with the land of its ancestors (Rijal, 2017). One of the madrasah's aims is to maintain and protect the Bā ' Alawi's religious tradition, such as the daily recitation of the maulid book and the visit to the sacred tombs (Knysh, 2003).
After four years of studying, these students returned to Indonesia and would hold religious gatherings in their hometowns. Just as Habib Umar faced the Salafi's growing influences in Yemen, his students also faced the same challenge of confronting Salafism in Indonesia. Knysh (2001) explains how Habib Umar, in his dakwah, minimizes the use of narratives surrounding the miracle of the saints used by the Bā ' Alawi. Moreover, he also emphasizes the importance of hadīth in his Sufi teaching. This is partly due to the dispute over religious authority with the Salafis, who mostly use a scriptural approach in criticizing the Sufi practices in Yemen. Many of them become the intermediary agents for selecting prospective students for Darul Mustafa. As a result, these days, many graduates of Habib Umar can be found in Indonesia.
In East Java, for instance, there are more than 200 alumni of Darul Mustafa who actively promote dakwah through regular sermons or Islamic boarding schools (Rijal, 2017).

'Street Sufism' and the Dakwah of Aswaja
Among Habib Umar's students, one of the most  (Guntur, 2013). This gathering was successful in terms of pulling the youth to his religious events.
One of the characteristics of Majelis Rasulullah, as is noted by Alatas (2009), was its scriptural approach of using hadīth and the Qur'ān to attract the youth. This method, as the youth, especially university students in Jakarta, are familiar with the Salafi-reformist style. Using this style is also convenient for Munzir, particularly when Surah al-Maryam: 33 "And Salam (peace) be upon me the day I was born, and the day I die, and the day I shall be raised alive!" (al-Hilali & Khan, 1998).

The hadīth:
Abu Qatada Ansari (Allah be pleased with him) reported that Allah's Messenger (may peace be upon him) was asked about fasting on Monday, whereupon he said: It is (the day) when I was born and revelation was sent down to me (Siddiqui, 2009).
By using these two explanations of the Qur'ān and hadīth, Habib Munzir concluded that celebrating the birthday of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was allowed . In this regard, he was trying to tackle the maulid criticism of the reformists and the Salafis. Defending aswaja for the Bā ' Alawi means opposing the Salafis because, according to the Salafis, the Islamic theology of Asy'ariyah and Sufism deviates from the teaching of the first three generations of Muslims (alsalaf al-sālih) .
Habib Munzir's stance on aswaja can be found on the website of Majelis Rasulullah, which displays his statement after a man's question regarding guidance on how to strengthen his belief in aswaja theology. Pertaining to this question, Habib Munzir recommended the man to read his book on Islamic theology, which can be downloaded from the website (Majelis . Habib Munzir states that aswaja in Islamic theology refers to takwil (allegorical interpretation). According to him, this interpretation is better when compared to another school of tafwid (relegation of matter to God). According to Munzir, the former is followed both by Imam Shafi'ī and Imam Bukhari (Al-Musawa, 2009). Furthermore, this aswaja rhetoric is widely used by Habib Munzir and Habib Umar, his students, and almost all Bā ' Alawis in Indonesia.

After Habib Munzir passed away in 2013, Majelis
Rasulullah carried on his legacy by practicing the maulid celebration, which has continued until today by his brothers and other Bā ' Alawis in Jakarta. Habib Munzir and other Bā ' Alawi activities in Jakarta (for instance Majelis Nurul Mustofa and Al-Fachriyah Foundation) show how Bā ' Alawi preachers moved to revive religious activities after 2000, especially after the re-establishing ties with Yemen (Alatas, 2009;Rijal, 2016). In addition to that, they are actively working to promote the maulid celebration and defending this practice through their 'street Sufism' and online preaching. Anis is known for his efforts to preserve the maulid from the 1970s, as well as for inspiring the new style of maulid within popular culture in the 21 st century. In the following section, I will discuss the maulid celebration in Surakarta, especially within the Bā ' Alawi community, whose practices were shaped by and inherited from Habib Anis bin 'Alwi al-Ḥabashī.

E. Hadhrami and the Maulid Celebration in Surakarta
Surakarta or commonly called Solo is a municipality that is located in the province of Central Java. It was the capital of Karesidenan (regentschappen) Solo, which consisted of seven cities: Boyolali, Karanganyar, Klaten, Sragen, Sukoharjo, Surakarta, and Wonogiri. Today, these cities are called Solo Raya (Greater Solo). The municipality of Surakarta has five sub-districts (kecamatan): Banjarsari, Laweyan, Jebres, Pasar Kliwon and Serengan) and 51 villages (kelurahan). The culture of the city is a mixture of traditional Javanese and Islamic. This is due to the existence of the Islamic Mataram kingdom that was founded in the 16 th century. Ricklef (2007) describes the culture of the city as Islamic with a strong influence of Javanese identity. In recent times, Surakarta is known for its image as the bulwark of Islamic radical groups (Wildan, 2009). This image stems from the fact that Islamic radicalism has been on the rise in the city since 1998. This is represented by some groups such as Front Pemuda Islam Surakarta (FPIS,
Regarding the Hadhramis (both Sayyid and non-Sayyid) in Surakarta, based on a statistic from 1885, there were an estimated 71 individuals of Hadhrami origin in Surakarta, three of which were born in Hadhramaut. The rest were born on the archipelago (L.W.C. van den Berg, 1989). The latest estimation of the number of Hadhramis in Surakarta was conducted in 2001, with the number of people amounting to 3.874 (Suhadi, 2014). The Bā ' Alawi mostly live in the subdistrict of Pasar Kliwon. This area was designated for Arabs due to the Dutch policy of the quarter and pass systems (wijkenstelsel and passenstelsel), which required Arabs to reside in one area separated from the local people (de Jonge, 1997). There are four major sites in this sub-district at which the Bā ' Alawi community usually gathers and interacts. The Habib ' Ali first carried out the maulid in the Jamiat Khair headquarters, but then the practice was moved to a mosque in the village of Kwitang, Central Jakarta. In this mosque, he started to organize annual maulid celebrations in 1918, which attracted thousands of participants, both from Bā ' Alawi and Javanese people (Alatas, 2011;Pijper, 1934). Although this maulid occasionally attracted thousands of people, it seems that many participants came due to Habib ' Ali's charisma.
Simthud Durar was brought to Surakarta by Habib ' Alwi bin ' Ali al-Ḥabashī (d. 1953), the son of its author. He had moved to the Dutch East Indies after the death of his father. At first, he resided in Jakarta before moving to Semarang and then later settling in Surakarta. In 1934, he built a mosque with supplementary buildings which functioned as stores and houses. He named the mosque Riyadh after the mosque in the city of Seiyun that was built by his father. As his father was well known for his maulid book, many Bā ' Alawi in the Dutch East Indies respected Habib ' Alwi.
Consequently, many people came to his mosque to celebrate the maulid or seek his blessing. He died in Palembang in 1953, but his body was transported back to Surakarta and buried at the site of the Riyadh Mosque. After the passing of Habib ' Alwi, the maulid in the Riyadh Mosque was continued by his son, Habib Anis bin ' Alwi al- Ḥabashī (d. 2006). It was under the influence of Habib Anis that Simthud Durar became gradually well-known among Muslims. Following the footsteps of his grandfather in the Hadhramaut, a weekly maulid was conducted every Thursday night. To commemorate the author of Simthud Durar, every month of Rabī` al-Thānī (the fourth month of the Islamic calendar), the Riyadh mosque holds the annual death commemoration (haul) of Habib ' Ali. In this event, the maulid celebration is performed with the recitation of Simthud Durar (for a detailed account of this haul, see Alatas, 2014;Slama, 2011). In 2014, the municipality of Surakarta incorporated this program into an annual governmental program under the framework of the policy of Solo as "the city of shalawat." Below, I will explain the maulid celebration performed in the Riyadh Mosque every Thursday night. The data was taken through fieldwork that was done in January and February 2018. The celebration itself starts around 6:00 pm (after the maghrib prayer), but some people often arrive at the mosque several hours in advance. Usually, they first visit the graves of Habib ' Alwi and Habib Anis (besides the mosque), where they pray for the deceased and seek divine baraka (blessing).
Other than that, people rest on the floor inside the mosque After reciting Chapter 7 of the book, people stand up for the recitation of the chapter on mahallul qiyām. In this chapter, the leader and all the participants sing a text containing a poem expressing happiness for the birth of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). During the qiyām, one person passes around burning agarwood to the participants. The participants reach out their hands to the smoke of agarwood incense, and each of them wipes it to their faces. The incense of agarwood is commonly used among the Bā ' Alawi because it gives a sweet fragrance to the room. It is used not only in events like maulid, but also in their religious gatherings.
Moreover, one piece of bread and a glass of coffee with milk are distributed after the qiyām. One of the Hadhrami preachers then delivers a sermon for ten minutes with the topic of thankfulness to God. Following that, the recitation is continued and finished when all fourteen chapters are recited. Habib Ahmad closes the celebration by reciting a supplication. In total, the maulid lasts for almost two hours. The evening is ended by 'Isha prayer in congregation (Fieldnotes, 2018).
Apart from the weekly maulid celebration at the Riyadh Mosque, according to many Bā ' Alawis I encountered, the maulid simthud durar is performed at almost all big celebrations of the Bā ' Alawi, e.g., moving into a new house, animal sacrifice for a newborn baby (aqiqah), marriage proposal, as well as a wedding ceremony. Among the events above, I had the chance to observe the maulid conducted during the wedding ceremony of a Bā ' Alawi. In general, all of the above descriptions of the maulid in the Riyadh Mosque apply to the wedding ceremony of the Bā ' Alawi as well, including the fact that Habib Hasan leads it. The only difference is that in the maulid of the marriage event, the qiyām is followed by a marriage vow (Fieldnotes, 2018).

F. Conclusion
This article has described the arguments for and against the maulid celebration among Indonesian Hadhrami, both  Umar, who with many of his disciples preserved the maulid.
One of them, Habib Munzir, took Sufism to the street and created a large maulid event that has attracted many people.
Besides Habib Umar, Habib Anis of Solo also plays a special role in maintaining and inspiring other Bā ' Alawi to preserve their traditional practices, especially the maulid in Surakarta. As the grandson of the author of Simthud Durar, he successfully kept the ritual practices alive since the 1960s in the city.
For further research, more studies should be done on the maulid celebration held by the Bā ' Alawī community. As we have seen recently, popular preachers of the Bā ' Alawī use maulid as part of their dakwah strategy. Such preachers include Habib Syech bin Abdul Qadir Assegaf from Surakarta and his shalawat group of Ahbabul Mustofa, as well as Habib ' Ali Zainal Abidin with his group Al-Zāhir in Pekalongan. It is interesting to explore whether these groups preserve the old style of maulid or modify it to attract more participants to their religious gatherings.