JIHAD AND INTERPRETATION OF RELIGIOUS TEXTS ON FEMALE TERRORISTS IN INDONESIA

The involvement of women in terrorism circles has led to the emergence of a brand-new terrorist map of the terrorism fight in Indonesia, where women had previously played a private role solely. Their involvement in public spaces in terrorism circles is closely associated with patriarchal culture and transformation in the concept of hijrah and qital as a means of jihad . This paper aims to explore the three domains of women’s attempts at terror as a series of struggles; it includes defining women’s weaknesses and disadvantages by patriarchal circles, using media to encourage women’s emotional enthusiasm in the circle of terror, and interpreting hijrah and qital as justification for jihad movement which becomes a spirit for women to commit terrors. The data in this study came from observations, interviews with two female terrorists, one terrorist advisor, and one ex-convict, as well as the discourse of


A. Introduction
Radical and extremist organizations have been a significant concern in the nation's life because they are a menace in a pluralistic society. The existence of extremist groups spread globally with different typologies, such as ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria), al Qaeda, Taliban (Mubarok & Hamid, 2018;Taskarina, 2020), Boko Haram (Galehan, 2019;Tampomuri, 2019)and several groups that have the same reserve and typology. In Indonesia, extremist groups have had four phases in their development. The first is the emergence of the DI/TII Kartosoewirjo movement. Then, the second is the Komando Jihad movement from the 1970s to 1980s with actors Abdullah Sungkar and Abu Bakar Ba'asyir. Afterward, the third is post-reformation terror and violence movements.
The last, fourth phase, is marked by the development of new radical Islamic groups, especially from young groups, which actually still have links with previous generation figures (Mubarak, 2015). JIHAD AND INTERPRETATION OF RELIGIOUS TEXTS ..... There are several factors that contribute to radical and extremist organizations, such as a lack of knowledge and perspectives on injustice, as well as Western hegemony (Dja'far, 2018). Luwaihiq (2014) classified the existence of extremism into three categories: its relations to scientific methodology, psychological and educational aspects, and social and global issues. Suicide bombings carried out by radical groups shocked Indonesia in 2000, blasting at the Philippines Embassy, and reached their peak during the Bali Bombings I and II. Dr. Azhari and Noordin M. Top were the initial masterminds behind the bombings in Indonesia at that time. The tragedy of the suicide bombings in Indonesia is closely related to the roles of female terrorists, such as Putri Munawaroh, Munfiatun, and Arian Rahma, who assisted in the concealment of Noordin M. Top (Amelia et al., 2020;Qori'ah, 2019).
Women's involvement in radical and extremist movements is a form of devotion since the highest form of devotion for a married woman is to be faithful to her husband.
Such doctrine is firmly taught in radical organizations (Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict, 2017). Women's devotion to their spouses in carrying out the suicide bombing campaign is wide-ranging and progressing, such as being indirect supporters; those with social, moral, and material sentiments to their husband's vision, as well as direct supporters with the suicide bombing struggles, despite being not martyrs, rather engaging in training, and those who are directly involved as recruiters (Musfia, 2017). The women's engagement in suicide bombings is also inspired by psychological factors, as they are motivated by circumstances, morals, and group solidarity (Amelia et al., 2020).
The women's involvement in the circles of terrorism is founded on paternalistic cultural awareness reinforced by religious dogma. Consequently, it leaves them with little or no choice but to comply with men in positions of power, whether father or spouse. According to Fadl (2001), the use of religious dogma-particularly the Prophet's hadith-in legitimizing a husband's actions against his wife has been sustainable for a long time, and this situation is mostly carried out by religious traditionalist groups. According to Hasan (1995, p. 36), there is a religious sentiment that gender discrimination is caused by the patriarchal system but is justified by religious texts and regarded as an authoritative source of God. Radical organizations are well aware that authoritative religious teachings explicitly mention women's compliance with their husbands and fathers to justify the collective struggle (Resnyansky et al., 2022). On the same occasion, the context of 'power' is used to take control of women, particularly when men employ religious discourse as a medium in undermining and taking control of women through religious dogma, thereby husbands get a role as the ones who understand religious teachings related to women, despite men domination becoming more prevalent. It is possible and straightforward to persuade women to become suicide bombers (Foucault, 1977, p. 101).
Many studies on women in terrorist circles have been conducted with a wide range of perspectives proposed, and these studies do not only focus on comprehending religion because various aspects and indications found in the women's involvement allow the studies to be arranged into three domains. Firstly, studies on jihad for women are limited to private areas, such as dealing with care for family disgrace and preparing children to be religious warriors. In this context, women who engage in terrorist behavior are deemed as both instruments and victims (Muniroh et al., 2012;Saputro, 2010).
Secondly, the Islamic State has an issue with trapping women, thus, their identity has become a new strategy in terrorist acts. Women's roles are considered effective since their strong sense of feminism with naturally affectionate, caring, and non-violent characteristics can accommodate terrorist acts (Amelia et al., 2020;Galehan, 2019;Hartana, 2017; Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict, 2017;Natsir, 2015;Nurfahmi, Rifai, & Marsingga, 2021). Thirdly, the strong patriarchism based on religious messages nearly encourages the doctrine of extremism for women, leading extremism as an ideology to a strong effect on women with family relations, making it difficult for them to escape from the ideology extremism (Arlinsa, 2022;Muttaqin, 2020;Taskarina, 2020).
This study reveals that female terrorists reinterpreted the concept of hijrah and jihad in the context of penance, which is perceived as jihad. Furthermore, they also changed the concept of jihad to meet their organizations' goals and ideology, like Jihadis's Salafi (Syauqillah & Faton, 2019). The existence of jihad reinterpretation cannot be separated from the religious cultures experienced by the female terrorist, which are patriarchal and believe in religious interpretation as the foundation of religion. These two reasons contribute to the justification for women's participation in terrorism and the desire to commit suicide.

B. The Concept of Hijrah and Qital in Exegesis Literature
The phenomenon of hijrah and qital has now become a trend in the life of the Indonesian Muslim community, along with the development of social media as a platform for expressing contemporary religious ideas. Belatedly, in the 2000s, the two terms became an ideological issue frequently used to recruit and influence others in propagating a certain ideology to transmit certain religious teachings.
The two terms in the Quran have a variety of dialectics, such as hijr, ukhriju min dhiyar, qital, and jihad. Each term has a particular meaning related to the condition of Arab society at the time of the Quran's revelation. These two words appear side by side with one sentence in the Quran, which is Thabari (1999, p. 317) commented on QS. Al-Baqarah 218 that the term hijrah refers to the Muslims' predicament in which they were still threatened and intimidated by the Meccan polytheists in order to provide a sense of security related to the command to migrate (hijrah) to a safer place.
In this context, the purpose of hijrah is to save oneself and one religion from the defamation of idolatrous rulers. In contrast, the verse includes an element of a jihad order that instructs Muslims to execute or fight in response to challenging conditions, attacks, or other similar situations.
This verse particularly refers to Abdullah ibn Jahsy and his companions, who carried out Allah's command but hoped for a reward. This occurred two months before the Battle of Badr JIHAD AND INTERPRETATION OF RELIGIOUS TEXTS ..... (Zamakhsyari, 2012, p. 258). This statement is strengthened by al-Qurtubi (2014), suggesting that the term hijrah derived from this verse refers to a command to save the Prophet from the polytheists and hypocrites' wrongdoings in the early days of Islam, such as the Muslims' migration in times of war or to avoid non-permissible things.
Al Sya'rawi (2007) interpreted hijrah in this verse as taklif for a Muslim to fully commit to the path of Allah through property, position, and family and to get out of difficult situations that can lead to disbelief. Thabari (1999, pp. 17-20) supported this perspective by claiming that hijrah is a command to leave the polytheists' territory and separate themselves from their affiliation.
According to al-Maraghi (2002), the earlier verse of QS.
Al-Baqarah 218 is the very first one suggesting qital (war), with the condition that the hostility between Muslims and non-Muslims must be apparent with a war action. This is due to the fact that it was against the law for the Prophet to declare war while he was in Mecca. On the contrary, after hijrah, the qital command was applied as a consequence to enshrine the power of adherents and Allah's religion due to the defamation that was threatening in faith for Muslims and the potential to return to the polytheists. Similarly to al-Qurtubi (2014), the qital command is applied when someone impedes a Muslim's faith (tawhid) since Muslims are not ordered to execute anyone for inacceptable reasons.
The term qital literally means to execute hypocrites in a polytheist territory and those changing the country as well as the ban on appointing a leader (government) from the polytheist community. The command to execute is conditional only if the disbelief and hostility narration is clearly visible (Thabari, 1999). This perspective is supported by al-Qurtubi (2014), who claimed that qital is a result of violating the peace pact and pledge.
According to al-Zuhaili (2009), qital in QS. al-Baqarah 216 refers to jihad that is made compulsory for a believer to fight enemies who are indeed unbelievers putting harm to Muslims. During his stay in Mecca before hijrah, the Prophet was not permitted to battle unbelievers; instead, he was then allowed to engage in battle with the polytheists who fought him when migrating to Medina. On the other hand, in comprehending this verse, Quraish Shihab (Shihab, 2000) states that in nature, Muslims are opposed to war, and it is, in essence, not accepted by normal people since a war might cause deaths, including the companions whose religion was still growing in their hearts at that time. Allah understood they despised war, yet fighting for justice compelled them when they were hampered.
Al-Shawkani (2014) perceives jihad verses by considering the social and historical contexts in which the verse was revealed. He underlined that jihad in Islam was initially intended to defend Muslims against attacks by opponents seeking to undermine Islam. However, as Islam's authority expanded, jihad in Islam became more associated with da'wah efforts and the propagation of Islam.
Meanwhile, Imam al-Qushayri (2018) interprets jihad verses by considering the historical context in which they were revealed. According to him, the initial motive for jihad in Islam was to defend Muslims from enemies who tried to bring Islam became more associated with da'wah efforts and the propagation of Islam.

Ibn Katsir (2018) interprets jihad verses by referring to
Islam's mission of upholding justice and opposing injustice. He emphasized that jihad in Islam must be carried out in order to defend the vulnerable and powerless, as well as to oppose unjust and tyrannical regimes. He also stressed the significance of adhering to Islamic norms and values when carrying out jihad. According to Al-Nawawi (2016), jihad in Islam must conform with Islamic law and ethics. Unjust acts of violence that violate human rights are not tolerated in Islam. He underlined that in Islam, jihad must be carried out in a reasonable and fair manner, and those acts of violence should only be used as a final step after all non-violent attempts have been made.
Some of the following interpretations are based on archaeological information widely documented at its time and served as a reference for the majority of Muslims (Foucault, 1980). This archeology suggests that each commentator's competency and mastery of meaning (concepts) are exceptional in terms of linguistic and socio-historical perspectives of the Qur'an verse's revelation. Therefore, these interpretations have become the archeology of knowledge taken into account in interpreting meanings due to the loss of interpretative religious discourse from historical, cultural, and linguistic factors, which causes the loss of part of the archeology of interpretation knowledge. According to Foucault (1980), knowledge originates from archeology, which is carefully arranged from previous societies so that knowledge can be read and recognized as archeology is still neatly kept.

C. The Patriarchal Circles in Female Terrorists
Women's involvement in terrorism is commonly Women's participation in terrorist acts is associated with the phenomenon of global terrorism, which can closely be correlated with numerous approaches, such as through brotherhood, marriage, and immigrants (Galehan, 2019;Saputro, 2010). One approach is through marriage, which is ideological in nature and compels women to accept their husband's decisions. According to Arlinsa (2022), family plays a significant role and impact on transforming women's thoughts, actions, and terror so that women can be controlled and directed based on the requirements and desires of a husband (Asiya et al., 2020). Hence, kinship in terrorist networks is tightly controlled in order to maintain the hierarchy and produce generations capable of carrying on the struggle. Terrorist networks in Indonesia take the form of kinship relationships, which can be gained through friendship and marriage, such as Dian Yulia Novi, who was arrested before committing a terrorist act.
Patriarchy in terrorist circles did not only happen to Dian but to several other women involved in the circles, such as Zakia. The phenomenon of women becoming terrorists is closely related to the environment, particularly the patriarchal culture (Wagner et al., 2012). Men's dominance in women's lives cannot be undone since this culture justifies controlling women. According to Hasan (1995), marriage is a crime against humanity since it allows patriarchal culture to enslave women and prevent them from developing, which is justified by cultural and religious norms.
The strong patriarchal culture in the circles of terrorism makes women realize that their freedom to move is restricted, so this awareness determines their existence as weak individuals who must be kept safe by strict religious rules (Qori'ah, 2019). Nevertheless, the relationship pattern is often built more of a feudal owner who places the husband as a property owner and the wife as a complement to the husband in all activities (Muniroh et al., 2012). Thus, the phenomenon of women's involvement in the circles of terrorism cannot be separated from a robust patriarchal culture. It can be achieved through marriage, as patriarchal culture demands women to submit to their husbands. According to Puritanism theology, husbands have complete authority over their wives and God (Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict, 2017). As a result, women who are part of the terrorist circles must agree to a single authority or interpretation in religion, which can take the form of verdicts, commands, and prohibitions for women undertaken by a husband. The religious context, in the form of a single interpretation, is also a source of reinforcing patriarchal culture in the terrorist circles, as in the case of Dian, who asserts the doctrine of killing, or Zakia, who perceives injustice against Muslims on social media.

D. The Hijrah and Qital Narration as a Powerful Discourse on Media
The advent of electronic media enables people to communicate virtually now. Virtual media offers significant advantages to its users. In addition to its function as a means of communication, it also serves as a tool for economic, cultural, and religious purposes. Furthermore, it contributes to the enlivening of contemporary religious discourse, which includes varieties and various religious understandings ranging from liberal, moderate, and even extremist. The use of virtual media as a platform to convey religious teachings is a giant leap amid the complex life of contemporary religious communities. Virtual media can better meet the needs of the society's religious aspects because of its globalization and popularity in nature, thereby making it unlimited by time and place (Graham, 1999).
According to Eriyanto (2005), virtual media has a powerful impact on changing and constructing contemporary religious discourse, and it is also shareable. Thus, many religious organizations make use of it as a platform to indoctrinate religious messages. According to Muttaqin (2020), media is a commodification of religion in regards to influencing and propagating ideology. The use of virtual media by certain religious groups, especially terrorist ones, is considered more effective in controlling and propagating religious doctrines; for instance, the confession of a convict's spouse is presented below: I confirmed that my initial exposure to the terms hijrah and qital was through Islamic magazines, Islamic books, and direct studies from preachers. However, it is currently available through online media and Islamic websites, such as Muslim Daily, arrahmah.com, al Islam, eramuslim.com, and Zain Annajah web. (Fuqada, personal communication, July 29, 2022) Such group models are typically controlled by specific religious organizations and leaders, and are commonly referred to as a new religion, where a person is no longer studying in specific learning spots such as pesantren, musala, and surau, instead of directly through virtual media (Jinan, 2012). Because of the lack of authority, authenticity, and religious competency in the new religion in virtual media, the media has turned into a strategic option for terrorist organizations to promote religious discourse in order to manipulate others. This group extensively uses virtual networks as a recruitment and propaganda tool that is widely accessible to users who can inspire terrorist attacks (Hartana, 2017), such as Azzam on the Eramuslim website, "O ladies! Take care of yourselves from luxury, because it is the foe of jihad.... Teach your children with modesty, manhood, heroism, and jihadi spirit" (Azzam, 2021). This fatwa indicates that in the early days of the struggle, terrorists exploited women as a second line of defense, preparing them in a secret environment for the jihad fight. This arrangement is a strategy for preparing potential Jihadists, raising donations, and encouraging the husband's struggle (Muniroh et al., 2012;Saputro, 2010).
In this scenario, terrorist organizations play an influential authority role, which is believed to be a form of competence given by their expertise through virtual media (Fadl, 2001).
However, women's participation in the succeeding struggle was not limited to private areas; they were involved in various activities, including bombings. The reason for this is that terrorist organizations make extensive use of women who are technologically competent to formulate strategies through media. The media is employed as a means of propaganda, media as a means of raising funds and strengthening networks, such as Jihadist campaigns that have been propagated through virtual media, such as Dian's involvement in the following excerpt from an interview with Tempo quoted by Institute for

Policy Analysis of Conflict (2017).
Dian began with qualms. "Initially, I was curious; why murder, why cutting hands off?" It seems to be really hard. On Facebook, I aggressively disagreed and argued with the jihadists. I was against them for months. Then, they asked me, "Sister, what would you do if you or your family was raped? Are you furious? "Yes, I am." Al-Jihad fi sabilillah is Islam's ultimate level of devotion. It is the greatest and most laudable pillar and summit of Islam… There she is, a female mujahedeen, an orator and spokeswoman for the Prophet's female companions, a hadith narrator, a very courageous mujahedeen who had murdered 9 Roman soldiers at the battle of Yarmuk; … Asma bint Yazid bin As-Sakan Al-Ansariyyah, and Umm Salamah. These two female companions are believed to have been the pioneers of women carrying out jihad due to the suggestions and inquiries of jihad to the Prophet proposed by the two female companions (Jibriel Ar, 2014).
Terrorist organizations, according to Saputro (2010), make use of arguments about the struggle of female companions who fought in the Uhud war. At that time, there were approximately 67 women who fought alongside the Prophet, some of whom were pregnant, and Nusayba was a woman who contributed and was seriously injured. According to the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (2017), there is a shift in the strategy adopted by terrorist organizations to carry out attacks, where bomb executors were initially mostly carried out by men and are now mostly undertaken by women. This is due to the fact that men are easier to detect when carrying out attacks, as opposed to women, who are more exclusive with a gentle and tactful nature, making it difficult to spot (Hartana, 2017;Nurfahmi et al., 2021).
Similarly, women are more vulnerable and easily influenced emotionally by the suffering of female Muslims throughout the Muslim world. Therefore, terrorists can easily control, command, and overtake women through social media.
Terrorist organizations employ the strategy of indoctrinating power to recruit new cadres because they have figured out that conventional strategies are no longer effective in controlling and are easily detectable.
The use of power practiced by terrorist organizations through the narration of hijrah and qital (jihad) is seen to be effective in engaging women. They do not hold power through force and institutionalization but through factual control via social media (Muniroh et al., 2012). Terrorists know that they can rule anywhere and at any time utilizing purely religious teachings as justification, such as the hadith suggesting that those who take good care of the families of jihad strugglers will receive the same reward as those committing jihad. This narration is a strategy adopted by terrorist organizations to persuade women who show their compliance by consciously conducting their faith or passions (Foucault, 1977).

E. Theological Fantasy as Penance in Propagating Terror
Women's participation in terrorist organizations cannot be separated from patriarchal culture, as well as the narration of jihad and qital on social media as power. personal and public spaces. Women who join terrorist circles are conscious of their own flaws and assist their husbands in their struggles (Amelia et al., 2020). According to Lies Marcoes (2015) women deliberately recognize a hierarchy that separates men from women in terrorist circles, and this recognition raises an enthusiasm to make changes to get the same opportunities and hierarchy in their religious beliefs on a theological basis. The women's recognition of their position and hierarchy indicates that they are indeed weak due to the patriarchal system, and one method of undermining women is through religious symbols and teachings.

Religious symbols and teachings are important factors in
encouraging women to participate in the field of jihad (Amelia et al., 2020). This motivation through a virtual world with the jihad narration has become a tool to provide emotional motivation for women so that this phenomenon piles up into theological fantasy, that is, a picture of an individual getting a better life than before with the justification of joyful religious teachings, such as what a jihadist advisor claims: "Basically, women have a strong desire to take part in the religious struggle. This is achieved after witnessing female mujahedeens on social media websites such as arrahmah.com and eramuslim.com as compensation for previous wrongdoings. The women's desire grows when they learn that men engaging in the struggle practice polygamy, leading women to believe that they must fight." The teachings of hijrah and qital found in the Qur'an substantially portray the phenomenon of early Arab society in Mecca between Muslims and non-Muslims. The Muslim community did not have much movement in the early days to propagate their teachings, so the option to take to preserve their faith, along with the Prophet Muhammad, was to migrate as a form of devotion to Islam. Furthermore, they struggled for jihad in order to maintain the unity of the believers in their hope for Allah's mercy. The call for hijrah also asserts not to make friends with or seek assistance from hypocrites who criticized the Prophet Muhammad because hypocrites persuaded idolatry, and it was permissible to kill when there was intervention in enshrining Islam during the hijrah (Maraghi, 2002;Thabari, 1999). Likewise, hijrah means to serve Prophet Muhammad and strive to uphold his Sunnah. This service was done in response to the polytheists' threats to Mecca's believers, who opted to migrate to Medina. However, in the hands of female terrorists, these two terms are interpreted extremely, as found in the Police Headquarters bomber's letter, "committing hijrah is motivated by emotional distress and spiritual emptiness.
This insight is achieved after realizing past wrongdoings, such as violating Allah's Sharia laws." Terrorist organizations use the religious teachings that suggest hijrah and qital inappropriately to manipulate women's emotions and as justification for terrorist acts. The use of religious teachings by the terrorist organizations is to manipulate the contextual meanings; notably, messages of religious teachings about hijrah and qital are no longer interpreted as a spirit of control and defense, as published in Arrahma.com with the title of "the Qur'an dealing with hijrah and jihad was interpreted with the women's roles to fight".
This interpretation simply emphasizes the literal meaning, not the context of the verse's revelation, resulting in coercion in interpreting the Qur'an verses. According to Arlinsa (2022), the existence of women as a terror may have been caused by spiritual emptiness and compassion. They believe that they are not yet completely accepted in the organizations, so that the women can interpret the verses of the Qur'an along with the life they have been living with the terrorists through both recitation and internal doctrines, such as the following convict's wife's confession: I believe that the concept of hijrah is to migrate or leave something to a better place or to be better for Allah. Qital is the practice of jihad in defending Allah by fighting or battling with disbelievers and enemies of Islam... The concept of jihad and qital develops in the transfer of faith resulting from submission to Allah, and qital turns into war to those who are against Islam, particularly disbelievers. (Fuqada, personal communication, July 29, 2022) As a matter of fact, the spirit of hijrah and qital portrays the condition of Muslims in the early days when they were still a minority and how the call for hijrah as a form of faith and self-preservation had to be made. Similarly, the call for qital or jihad as a form of protection and selfdefense that Muslims must carry out in response to violence committed by polytheists and hypocrites (Maraghi, 2002). Suarni (2016) classified hijrah in the Quran into four types: struggling strategy, civilization building, unity, and egalitarian community building. The concept established among female terrorists is the more theological-doctrinal nuance that emphasizes the final redemption aspect over the material aspect as individuals, such as an ex-terrorists comment: "For me, Jihad means becoming a better person, not just in Sharia physical attributes, but also in spiritual ones. Hijrah means to carry out worship correctly and perfectly. Yet, because Indonesia isn't at war, qital is defined as physically defending Allah's religion. Better prepare yourself physically, be a strong Muslim, be healthy, and have a strong faith. If it's possible, you can engage yourself in sunnah sports, such as horseback riding, swimming, and archery." (Fuqada, personal communication, July 29, 2022) This reality indicates that the terrorist organizations interpret religious teachings with ideological narration, that is, the spirit of hijrah and qital patterns which are inspired by political interests to achieve the main goals, as the culprits are no longer from the lower classes but are middle-class and highly educated people (Setiadi, 2019).
According to the ex-wife of a convicted terrorist, the purpose of terrorist organizations is to construct an Some of these women were previously involved in terrorist acts, while others with various roles appeared later on, such as Dian Yulia Novi, who was planning to carry out an attack at the Istana Presiden (presidential palace) with her husband, who used to be Bahrun Naim's apprentice. Following Dian, two women committed acts of terrorism: Zaskia, who terrorized the National Police Headquarters along with weapons, and YSF, who accompanied her husband, Lukman, to carry out the bombing at the Makasar Cathedral Church. As an intelligence and terrorism observer, Al-Chaidar stated that the motive for the terrorist attack at the Cathedral Church in Makassar was retaliation for the arrest and shooting of their colleagues several months earlier. A woman was responsible for the suicide bombing (Damhuri, 2021). In a short message broadcasted on electronic media, the culprit wrote a testament letter to her parents, stating that the journey taken by the bomber of the Cathedral Church in Makassar was believed to be a path blessed by God and that she hoped to meet her family again in heaven. The author proposed that her parents avoid taking out bank loans due to the practice being considered usury, which is not in accordance with the principles of Allah. The narrative constructed in the testament for her parents is a message of faith that is also imparted to her wife. In the traditionalist custom, a wife cannot reject a husband's request and invitation even if she is sick since the husband's contentment is heaven for the wife (El Fadl, 2003; Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict, 2017).

The message of the Makassar bombers' story is similar
to that of Dian's. Dian's marriage to Solihin opened a new chapter in her life, allowing her to engage in a patriarchal culture and establish herself as a bomb candidate. Marriage is a commanded sacred ritual, but the culture of marriage is still heavily influenced by patriarchal culture, which propagates male hegemony. Dian's journey of marriage and the direction of jihad is a form of a patriarchal circle within her, allowing her to become a bomb martyr. The terrorists have well recognized the strategy of power over women to engage women as successors because the power works well without the need for buildings and formal legal implications. It can be through strategic positions, such as Sholihin and Lukman, who possess the power to manipulate women into their channels.
This scheme depicts the construction of religious interpretation on female terrorists, of which verse meaning has been distorted to meet the terrorists' purposes. In interpreting the words hijrah and qital, the development of the initial interpretation is not seen as a foundation. On the other hand, the meaning of hijrah and qital is dominated by patriarchal culture, which is thought to be a religious teaching. Such interpretations are propagated on social media as justification for recruiting new followers. This content is based on the values of sentiments and compliance with men who are thought to be leaders who determine the lives of women in this world and hereafter.

F. Conclusion
This article shows that the narration of hijrah and qital no longer refers to the pure message of religious teachings because some Muslims have monopolized the message with political interests. These political interests highlight acts of violence over values of religious teachings so that such acts of violence, such as suicide bombings and terrors, are accepted as truth. Furthermore, the concept of hijrah and qital is a tool used to take control of women into becoming involved with and struggling with terrorist organizations in carrying out acts of terror.
Women's involvement in terrorist circles is not monotonous, as many factors to consider, such as marriage, kinship, and camaraderie, lead to their involvement. Terrorist organizations in the same area offer glory, benefits, and development for the sake of Muslims through social media as a means of provocation for the community to engage in the struggle together. Women who see reality through their emotions are more likely to get involved in the recruitment process.
This article merely reveals the development of theories and meanings associated with hijrah and qital, which are utilized as media for jihad propaganda. Thus, there are many other aspects of the topic dealing with women and terrorism that can be studied further. The authors believe that the effect of religion and patriarchal society is an important factor in the female terrorists issue; however, this phenomenon still requires additional investigations to strengthen the published article regarding economic, social, and political aspects.