GEMBYANGAN WARANGGANA: THE PROCESS OF ABJECTION TOWARD WARANGGANAS AND LANGEN TAYUB TRADITION

The concept of representation of Dewi Sri manifested in the Langen Tayub performance. However, as the massive development in Javanese society, the image of warangganas has gradually derogated. Even waranggana has been synonymous with prostitute, being a waranggana is not similar to be a sexual worker. There are many requirements of being a waranggana. Not only must able to sing obligatory gendhings, a waranggana is required to be a good dancer. Therefore, a waranggana training system was established in Ngrajek, Sambirejo, Tanjunganom, Nganjuk regency, East Java. The procession of graduation from this training has been an annual tourism agenda of Nganjuk regency, called gembyangan waranggana. The existence of training system for waranggana has been an antithesis of pejorative image of warangganas. Therefore, this paper aims to analyze on the existence of waranggana training system in Nganjuk. Refers to Kristeva idea of abjection of women role, this paper will focus on how the negative perception of warangganas has been formulated. Moreover, the discussion of government policies for managing this training system will be another highlight. The first chapter will be an introduction which represented by the history of gembyangan waranggana. The second chapter will explain the process being a good waranggana and skills have to be mastered. Then will continue by the social condition of waranggana and the society’s perception toward them. All chapters will be wrapped up by the last chapter, discussion.

have to be mastered. Then will continue by the social condition of waranggana and the society's perception toward them. All chapters will be wrapped up by the last chapter, discussion.

A. INTRODUCTION
Gembyangan waranggana tradition has managed to survive through the uncertain political condition which has also affected the existence of waranggana tradition. Numerous survival maneuvers have been performed by warangganas during decades of its continuation for instance adapting into presumably more sophisticated version, massive modification of the performance, prohibiting certain practices, and engaging into local government's institution. Even though the Nganjuk government has widely promoted gembyangan waranggana as a tourism agenda, however this have not affected into the improvement of performers' prosperity. In the other side, the negative stigma toward warangganas has still commonly found in the society which create a social gap where warangganas manipulate for their benefit by existing in an abject sphere.
Various research on gembyangan warangganas have been conducted in diverse topics. Juwariyah (2014) focused on the analysis of social transformation by examining the modification of langen tayub performance which previously known as spontaneous expression of rural inhabitants into more designed body movements. An interesting work from Purbaningtyas (2013) demonstrated the expression of dramaturgy from gembyangan waranggana performers in the stage that rarely found during their daily life. In the economic aspect, Trisnawati (2013) discovered how the intervention of Nganjuk government has improved the income of warangganas and pengrawit by legitimating tayub performers as professional occupation through the enactment of the license card. Ayu (2017) provided a study of tayub functions as entertainment which able to unify a society, but in the other side, negative stigma toward warangganas has been a reasonable cause of sexual abuse toward warangganas during the stage performance. The latest work on gembyangan waranggana by Ahmadi and Sukarman (2020) delivered the explanation of gembyangan waranggana through an approach of folklore analysis. Ahmadi and Sukarman (2020) offered the meaning of gembyangan waranggana procession as a mimic of the quintessence of human life, the epitome of human soul, the relation of human and nature, the value of time, and the interconnection among human.
This research begin with a question on how langen tayub has succeed to survive through decades and adapted into countless social transformation. Second, the curiousity on the position of warangganas which earlier resemble the presence of Dewi Sri have been derogated into a symbol of dishonorable women. And how langen tayub performers have managed to manipulate the process of abjection toward them as a space for surviving and improving their existence. Abjection is a process where certain group has to undergo exclusion from its initial society.
For discovering the explanation for research questions, langen tayub performers were targeted as informants who provide data from the inside of langen tayub tradition. Using the snowball method, other sources of data were tracked and interviewed in the style of in-depth interview. In order to gain comprehensive data, numerous works focused on gembyangan waranggana, and tayub were counted as seconds sources of data. As a qualitative research, this paper aim to complete the analysis of previous researches on gembyangan waranggana through gender approach, especially on the persistence of warangganas to survive.

The History of Gembyangan Waranggana
Around ten women wearing yellow traditional Javanese costume entered the area of Padepokan Langen Tayub Anjuk Ladang area in Nganjuk Regency, East Java. Every steps of them become the initial process of their professional life as waranggana through the procession of gembyangan waranggana. Waranggana is the term to represent a professional tayub dancer. Tayub itself refers to a traditional dance which able to be found across Java island with different term, lengger in Central Java, and ronggeng in West Java. The termination of tayub derived from Javanese language "ditata ben guyub" means ordered for improving unity among people (Liputan6). Even though waranggana is a formal name of tayub dancer, but people across Mataraman area simply call them kledhek.
The history of tayub can be traced down into the 9 th century in the Java as a form of popular culture for lower class society. Kings of Kediri promoted langen tayub as high-class performance when he mandated langen tayub for welcoming the guests from another kingdom. In the 12 th century, King Jenggala of Kediri obligated langen tayub performance as part of his coronation. On his special occasion, King Jenggala commanded his empresses performing langen tayub as a greeting for him once he entered pringgitan (main hall of a Javanese house) (Bratasiswara: 2000, 39). The new era of langen tayub approached through the proselytization of Islam by wali sanga (nine saints who spread Islam in Java). Knowing that Javanese people recognized as their culture, wali sanga modified it by inserting religious value and made it performance in a better manner (Soedarsono: 1991, 33).
There was a myth of langen tayub which included the miraculous power of wali. Once in Java, a carpenter sculptured a beautiful girl made of wood. As a tailor witnessed it and feel apologetic for seeing the nude statue and decided to make her a beautiful dress. For the compliment, a jeweler completed her appearance by crafting earings, a bracelet, a ring, and a necklace. Soon after the appearance of the statue completed, those three men amazed by their own creation. They decided to perform ritual by fasting and meditating for 40 days. Soon after the ritual completed, a wali passerby and granted their wish by enlivened the statue. However, the beauty of the statue occurred dispute among them. The wali ordered them to follow her dancing across the kingdom instead (Soedarsono: 2000, 291).
As the folklore of a dancer as explained before, the waranggana concept referred to a dancer who perform across the country. In the past, waranggana did not perform in a specific place but door to door as street musician. There was a term of rara mabhramana tinonton for expressing a waranggana. As in Javanese language, rara means girl, mabhramana indicates go around, and tinonton as show. In simplified term, rara mabhramana tinonton means girl who perform dance as street musician (Haryono: 2004, 33). However, as the development, waranggana and langen tayub has gradually performed in a certain place and requires specific skill of waranggana.
Marking the graduation of waranggana training, the procession of gembyangan waranggana has become annual event of Nganjuk regency and is included in its annual tourism attraction. However, this annual event is beyond than just tourism attraction, it has been a formal agenda to initiate waranggana and grant them the license card for performing langen tayub dance. There are a systematical agenda during the process of gembyangan waranggana which started by the procedure of extracting two kendil (jug) of water from Sedudo waterfall a day before. The juru kunci (caretaker) of Sedudo waterfall accompanied two professional kledhek for extracting the water. A day after, the procession of gembyangan warangga held in Dusun Ngrajek, Desa Sambirejo, Kecamatan Tanjunganom, Kabupaten Nganjuk.
At the first place, gembyangan waranggana had been annually held by local communities of waranggana payuguban (association) coaching village maidens and preparing them to be professional waranggana. Older professional warangga as long as pramugari and pangrawit have taken the responsibility for passing down this dance into younger generation voluntarily (Informant 1, interviewed July 2018).
The history of gembyangan waranggana can be traced down by the folklore of two sisters Mahkawit (11 years old then) and Jaminem (10 years old then) circa 1934. Based on the folklore, Mahkawit and Juminem had faced misfortune through the failure of their crop and suffering from chronic disease. The only way to withdraw their unlucky fate was organized langen tayub at their neighborhood. The dilemma occurred when the villager no warangga existed in their hamlet anymore since a waranggana was recognized as a glamorous figure whom lived close the capital of karisidenan (region) (Informant1, interviewed July 2018).
As in a common folklore, a magical solution appeared in the dream of Mahkawit and Juminem through dream. They requested to perform as a waranggana during the langen tayub was held. At the time, their request was difficult to be granted since they were not professional warangga and had never performed dance before. However, after a discussion the villager finally accepted their request. Everything turn into enchanting night when Mahkawit and Juminem moved their body into alluring movement. As every business going well after the night of langen tayub performance, villagers decided to carry on langen tayub tradition and start training new generation of waranggana (Informant2, interviewed on July 2018).
The story of miraculous recovery of Mahkawit and Juminem has been related into a myth of danyang (guardian) of Dusun Ngrajek. Danyang, as it is known in a wide area of Java, is considered as the guardian of certain place who made an agreement with the pioneer of those place. Therefore, for commemorating those agreement and pacifying the danyang, nyadran has been held annually in a specific place. Gembyangan waranggana, in Sambirejo, is not only held as an initiation ritual of waranggana but also representing nyadran for venerating the merit of Mbah Ageng (Informant3, interviewed on July 2018).
A decade after the miraculous of Jaminem and Mahkawit, another pivotal figure, Soedarto (25 years old then), arrived in Sambirejo. Unlike Jaminem and Mahkawit who learned langen tayub dance autodidact, Soedarto was a professional dalang (puppet master) and mastering gendhing (Javanese traditional songs). The appearance of Soedarto marked a new step of langen tayub life in Sambirejo as he set up a restricted procedure for the education of waranggana (Utomo & Suparwoto: 2016, 13). Since then, Dusun Ngrajek in Sambirejo has been widely known as the respectable waranggana education place.
Langen tayub achieved its golden era circa 1950s, a decade before the outbreak of anti-communist riot. During those era, langen tayub has been adopted as an identity of local tradition. Almost all of the celebration, langen tayub had taken crucial role as the waiting moment where guests were able to enjoyed and participated at the events. Ngaji Budaya specifically noted that there has been a normal attitude for guests to insert amount of money in to the cleavage of waranggana (Ngaji Budaya: 2016).
The upside-down of langen tayub life happened during the massive riot against communism around 1965 when tayub was assumed as the representation of the communist party. The condition was getting worse considering that Nganjuk, as long as majority of regencies in East Java, has been the basis of Nahdatul Utama. The negated position of Communist Party and Nahdatul Ulama was commonly known as the later party has been used by right-wing of Indonesian party (Robinson: 2018, 9).
After the anti-communist outbreak, langen tayub has gradually risen up during 1980s. However, the government of Nganjuk regency restricted the langen tayub performance. The practice of omben (drunk) was totally prohibited. Moreover, the intervention of the government of Nganjuk regency resulted on the alteration of langen tayub in the structure and order of langen tayub. Furthermore, there was massive modification of langen tayub elements to adapt into the social condition at that time. The costume was modified into a modest version by adding selendang (scarf) for covering the shoulder of warangganas, so was the make-up which changed into a less seductive version (Utomo & Suparwoto: 2016, 14).
The intervention of the government of Nganjuk regency manifested in the training programs and the formation of The Association of Pramugari (mater ceremony), Waranggana (singer and dancer), and Pangrawit (musician) Langen Bekso known as HIPRAWARPALA (Himpunan Pramugari, Waranggana, dan Pangrawit Langen Bekso) in 1985. This organization has taken part as a pivotal party who enacted licenses for waranggana, pramugari, and pangrawit to perform. As the commitment of the government in the langen tayub preservation, the government aided a well-known langen tayub educator, Saedjo Hadiwiyono, for establishing a studio in his house near the punden (rite) of Mbah Budho in Ngrajek. Hadiwiyono, together with his wife Sinten, has taught hundreds of waranggana not only from Nganjuk, but also the regions around for instance Tuban, Bojonegoro, and Lamongan (Utomo and Soeparwoto: 2016, 13).
In the 1987, The Department of Culture of Nganjuk Regency mandated to relocate the annual gembyangan warangga into the rite of Mbah Budha. However, as the refusal from the neighborhood around the rite, gembayang waranggana moved to the rite of Mbah Ageng up until now (Wulandari: 2017, 5). In the 1990, The Department of Culture and Tourism took off the management of langen tayub education from The Department of Youth and Sport who has been on duty since 1980s. As the follow up, the government also establish Padepokan Langen Tayub Anjuk Ladang in the rite of Mbah Ageng Ngrajek for providing a comfortable place for practicing langen tayub (Utomo & Suparwoto: 2016, 14).

The Basic Skill of a Waranggana
There are some phases for being a professional waranggana that should be mastered by a women. At the first steps, they have to receive education for becoming proficient at dancing steps, and song rhythm and lyrics. A candidate of waranggana have to be coached by professional waranggana at least three month and follow them in every event of langen tayub in order to observe how a good performance be conducted. In the three month of trainee phase, coach trains them to master at least ten gendhings (song), and five kinds of dance movements.
Gendhings has been a crucial part in langen tayub performance and has been divided into two categories. The first category is the obligatory ones which have to be mastered by a waranggana, and the second is contemporary gendhings which sung to become accustomed with the popular modern song. Obligatory gendhings are consisted of ten gendhings, there are: 1) Eling-Eling; 2) Golekan; 3) Bendungan; 4) Teplek; 5) Ganggangmina; 6) Astrakara; 7) Ono-Ini; 8) Gandariya; 9) Ijo-Ijo; and 10) Kembang Jeruk (Wulandari: 2017). The contemporary gendhings are more diverse as it adjust to the trend in the society. The list of the contemporary gendhings can be seen below: Even waranggana literarely means singer, but a professional waranggana is demanded to be more than a good singer. Therefore, a good dance skills is necessary needed for a good professional waranggana. The characteristics of langen tayub dance are simple, harmonic toward music, and free. In spite of dynamical characteristic of langen tayub dance, there are basic dance movement of waranggana which consists of five movements (Wulandari: 2017, 11 Stepping into right and left as the hip's move. As a supporting factor, a waranggana's skill on make-up is an essential ability for attracting spectators. A waranggana, as the representative figure of Dewi Sri (goddess of agriculture) are demanded to have a goddess-like appearance or in Javanese term called widadari (Cooper: 2000, 609). All almost widadari role in Javanese society is as the guardian of the order. As an omnipresent creature, widadari is expected to illuminate the world with their good deeds (Koentjoroningrat: 1984, 133) and also assists god for assessing a hero's merit by luring them whether they are able to control their personal desire or not (Cooper: 2000, 609).
Sutarno stated that the seductive move of a waranggana is the characteristic of langen tayub as the meaning is "to lure" (Juwariyah: 2014, 7). The way of luring spectators manifested not only in the appearance, but also by performing seductive gesture. Therefore, even in their mundane life, a waranggana look as "normal" house-wife, soon after they step on the stage their transformation begun. As the espousing factors of their make-up, waranggana usually flirts, exposes their calves, and presents erotic move (Juwariyah: 2014, 7).
The existence of spectators is the determining factor to measure how successful is the performance. Royal spectators are the most desired ones since they do not hesitate to spend suwelan (money) for satisfying their desire on waranggana's performance. Warangganas, in another side, attempting their best effort to meet the demand, some of them are even implanting silicon on their part of bodies for maintaining their seductive performance (Informan4, interviewed on July 2018).
In the latest development of langen tayub performance in Nganjuk, seductive attitude of waranggana has been restricted by the government. For controlling what the call un-ethical attitude, the government modified langen tayub from terop into padhang bulan version as more sophisticated ones. After the modification, warangganas can accept the request for a song only after a song finished. That is different with the previous terop version which allow warangganas sing request songs in time the like. It raise up the potency of chaos during the performance (Juwariyah: 2014, 15).

The Procession of Gembyangan Waranggana
The procession of gembayang waranggana begun by preparing a crucial properties, water from Sedudo waterfall. The elder of Sambirejo then will enchant it will specific prayer and then put kembang mayang (palm flower) on it. The other side, waranggana candidates has prepared for performing ten obligatory gendhing, and dance. The next day, gembyangan waranngana held on three steps: opening, main event, and closing. Those three processes involves not only warangganas and local elders, but also the bureaucrats as the major of Nganjuk, the chief of The Department of Tourism of Nganjuk, and the committee from Nganjuk Regency. The opening of gembyangan waranggana marked by the entrance of cucuk lampah (remark as the beginning of a performance) which represented by juru kunci (caretaker) of the rite who bring dupa, Mung Dhe (portrayed Mataram warriors) warriors, flower girls, sampur (special scarf) bearer, waranggana candidates, dhomas (portrayed princesses), waranggana candidates' parents, pramugari (master of ceremony) of tayub, professional waranggana, elders of the village, and pengrawit (Gamelan musician) of Mung Dhe dance. Soon after the crowd arrived in the rites, the chief of cucuk lampah orders waranggana candidates to take seat in a prepared positions. During the chief is handling warangganas, juru kunci sets the incense and other offerings on the Pundhen Ageng. The opening will be begun by performance of Gambyong dance. As the end of opening series, some bureaucrats mark their speech which stated by the representative of The Department of Education and Culture, the representative of The Department of Culture and Tourism, and lasted by the Major of Nganjuk Regency. Waranggana candidates then form a line for being inaugurated by juru kunci accompanied by the village chief as long as three other bureaucrats (Trisnawati: 2013, 66).
As the fundamental event begun, waranggana candidates purified by juru kunci. He sprays waranggana candidates the water of Sedudo waterfall using kembang mayang. And applies cundhuk menthul (special accessories made by brass with application of jasmine and ylang-ylang flowers) on their sanggul (traditional Javanese hair knot). As the last step, juru kunci give them a little pincuk (A folded-over banana leaf used as a container for portions of food) and a waru (Hibiscus tiliaceus) leaf which then tore down by warangga candidates in one command (Trisnawati: 2013, 68).

Sudi aleladi dumateng bebrayan ingkang tamuju ing reh lestari, ngrembaka luhuring budaya bangsa
1. Performing active role in the preservation and development of national culture, especially the art of langen tayub.
2. Improving knowledge, increasing standard and quality of waranggana.
3. Becoming a noble person through the application of ethic in order to maintain the nobility of the nation.
As the oath pronouncing, waranggana candidates make an entrance into professional waranggana's life. The chief of the department of Culture and Tourism maker the very last procession by handing Surat Ijin Pentas (License of Performance) over warangganas. After all the procession done, village elder lead prayer recited by whoever presents in this occasion. For entertaining audiences, newly graduated waranggana perform langen tayub up until 5.00 pm.

The Social Life of Waranggana
Waranggana, as their goddess-like appearance, they have faced fluctuating stigma for decades, most of all are negatives ones. Those stigmas can be traced down into the origin of waranggana itself. The term waranggana derived from Kawi (ancient Javanese language) language wara (women) and anggana (chosen ones) (Winter & Ranggawarsita: 1988, 277). Waranggana expresses an ameliorating idiom for portrayed a chosen woman who possess clear and melodious voice among niyagas (gamelan player) whom majority are men. There has been another term for depicted waranggana in honored term, swarawati or pesinden. The later term express a woman singer who has ability for entertaining people even by performing gendhings by herself.
There is a misunderstanding among the term waranggana and kledhek. Both waranggana and ledhek are women who perform dance and sing gendhing in langen tayub, both as in ritual and entertainment. In the previous time, every entertainer of langen tayub was called kledhek which originated from the word ngleledhek meaning seducing pengibing (male spectators). For seducing pengibing, kledhek usually wear a kemben (a traditional cloth wrapped around the upper part of female body), heavy make-up, and tempting scent of perfume. Once a pengibing lured, a ledhek is required to dance in pair with the pengibing (The male pair for waranggana).
The seductive gesture of warangganas is only lasted during the performance. There is a total difference on their mundane life as a women and their life on the stage. However, not all the people are able to differ the life of warangganas on the stage and outside. Therefore, there are negative stigma which commonly perceived on the society for teasing warangganas and their family member as a less-honored women whom can be asked for their service (Srintil: 2004, 34).
Among their negative stigma, warangganas, as long as langen tayub, has taken pivotal role in the rural Javanese society based on its function. There are at least three different functions of langen tayub; ritual, social, and politic ones. Ritual function of langen tayub is the original cause of its emergence. Langen tayub created in order to perform a ritual ceremony for initiating fertilization of agriculture. For performing langen tayub as a ritual instrument, it need specific requirements: 1. Performed at specific time or period.

Performed in a specific place.
3. Pengibing must come in selection as a chosen male whom meet with specific requirements.
4. As the pengibing, waranggana who performs in the ritual must be chosen ones.
The performance of langen tayub as a ritual occasion has a deeper meaning. The pair of pengibing and waranggana depicted the fertilization symbols. Pengibing, as a male, portrayed the seed of rice or in Javanese term bapa angkasa. In the other side, waranggana represented the fertile soil or ibu pertiwi. The interaction of those two will produce rain which instigate fertility on agriculture .
As long as the development of the social condition, the function of langen tayub has widen up into other occasions for instance for social occasions. The transformation of langen tayub was begun in the 19 th century when massive construction across Java initiated by Dutch colonial. Langen tayub has gradually played for entertainment and became communal art that often performed in the traditional ceremony for instance wedding, and circumcision (Holt: 2000, 149). Moreover, langen tayub has processed to be a communicative instrument among langen tayub fans whom majority comes from lower class society (Prabaningtyas: 2013, 8).
Political function of langen tayub has known since the colonial era when tayub was still known as a solo performance which play door to door. At that era, a tayub dancer usually function both as an entertainer and spy toward Dutch colonial. However, soon after the proclamation of independence, langen tayub has adapted as a form for spreading propaganda among societies. During the reign of Old Order, langen tayub as communal art gained its glorious times as every parties formed a division for supporting communal art. Partai Komunis Indonesia (Indonesia Communist Party) established Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat (Institute of People Culture) recognized as Lekra; Partai Nasional Indonesia (Indonesia National Party) known as PNI found Lembaga Kebudayaan Nasional (Institute of National Culture) or LKN; in the other side, Nahdatul Ulama (NU) launched Lembaga Seniman Budayawan Muslim Indonesia (Institute for Moslem Artist of Indonesia) or LESBUMI (Holt: 2000, 160).

The Negative Stigma against Waranggana
The assumption of waranggana images is closely related to prostitute. As in Geertz depicted on his famous book Religion of Java accussed that langen tayub dancers are almost always prostitute (Geertz: 1960). Koentjaraningrat strengthened Geertz assumption by stating that the dancer are consisted of sex workers (Koenjtoroningrat: 1984). Those assumption has been passed down through generations and worsened by the fact that almost of langen tayub dancers come from low economy class.
The practice of pengibing has contributed to the sexual abuse toward waranggana. Even in the original version of langen tayub, pengibing was taken pivotal role as the pair of waranggana, nowadays, pengibing is accepted as a privilege for a man. The non-existence of strictly prohibition of interaction between waranggana and pengibing provides the opportunity for pengibing to initiate physical interaction. Those abusing physical interaction are not only form into touching, but it is able to getting worse for instance grapping waranggana's breast and even kiss them. For anticipation, warangganas usually inserts a small pillow into their cleavage (Informant4, interviewed on July 2018).
The negative stigma of langen tayub has been added by the tradition to be drunken during the performance. Traditional liquor known as ciu was traded during the langen tayub performance. Warangganas as the stars in the performance have to take role for serving those liquor into pengibing and other guests. However, a waranggana do not possess for discontinuing this practice (Informant4, interviewed on July 2018).
The social condition in rural Javanese consist of homogenous society, as is in the Sambirejo village. This social condition contributes on how society perceive waranggana life. Most of the people in Sambirejo are not able to differentiate onstage and off-stage life of waranggana. Therefore verbal abuse toward waranggana are commonly found during their mundane life in daily interaction.

C. CONCLUSIONS
The position of waranggana whom perceives negative stigma in both of their on-stage and off-stage life portrayed a drastic change of the image of waranggana. As its original image of the manifestation of Dewi Sri in the earth, waranggana depicted the prominent role for initiating fertilization toward agriculture in rural Java. The position of waranggana as a chosen female whom perform around male pengrawits portrayed a power hold by a warangana within a predominantly male society.
Javanese woman has widely stigmatized as the second class society place whose authority limited in the domestic area. However, a Javanese women authority in the domestic area more likely used as a support and in the behalf of men authority. The role of women for sustaining male power in the name of maintaining rukun (social harmony). Rukun has been a keystone in the Javanese family system which became the main goal of Javanese society. In the other side, men as their counterpart attempts to transfigure their power into inner strength (Geertz: 1961, 82). Therefore, in order to keep the harmony within their household and later the society, both women and men have to perform certain role as unequal pairs. Men, as a symbol of the leader of household have to show their power to dominate women.
The emergence of waranggana has been antithesis of the harmonious system of Javanese household. As the representation of Dewi Sri, waranggana possess power that have ever been retained by women. Warangganas are able to perform the agency of suppressed women in Javanese societal system as independent and powerful figure. Those image of waranggana has widen up into their mundane life. Almost all of waranggana are the breadwinner for their family.
Subsequently, as the anticipation of waranggana powerful image, the negative notion has occurred for circumstance their agency through the practice of abjection toward waranggana. Abjection, as Kristeva stated is an action for excluding a group out of the society through the banishment toward them (Kristeva: 1982, 2). The abjection has taken place especially due the waranggana role as breadwinner. Unintentionally, warangga opposed Tomalin argument of the face of poverty is women. This term refers to the exclusion of women in development agenda. Thus, by excluding the women, they will be marginalized not only in the developmental issue but also in religious ones. Tomalin took an example on the de-privatization of religion process which became the threat on the gender equality since the religious narratives are mostly patriarchal ones (Tomalin: 2015, 63).
The cause of abjection practice toward waranggana is an anticipation of the later possibility of waranggana power as counterpublic. The development of counterpublic can cause resistance movement in a society. Scott point of view, a form of resistance emerges from the hidden transcript movement which then accommodates subordinate groups to show its existence (Scott: 1990, 19). Moreover, in the hidden transcript movement, one would be more receptive to a group having equal agendas to create stronger dominance. (Al Makin: 2016, 147). Nevertheless, the division of power in the hidden transcript is also vulnerable to tyrannical rule (Al Makin: 2016, 147).
The abjection of waranggana executes through negative stigmas echoed by the society. The contradiction of the waranggana roles since its first emergence and the latest ones has proved how significant is the effect of its abjection. The process of abjection begun by the limitation of the organization of langen tayub performance during the 1980s when massive modification set for controlling warangganas. The purpose of government policy toward warangganas and langen tayub is not for discontinuing it, instead, giving a specific space where warangganas and langen tayub do not intertwined with negated groups. Thus, warangganas and langen tayub are able to exist in their own sphere without depending on other groups.